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MR. HAYXE, OF SOUTH CAROLINA, 



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MR. FOOT'S RESOLUTION, 



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i 

AN INQUIBY INTO THE EXPEDIENCY OF ABOLISHING THE OFFICE 



OS 

SURVEYOR GEXERAL OF PUBLIC LANDS, 

ANU 

FOR DISCONTINUING FURTHEU SURVEYS, 8cc. 

1 

\^0 

DCLlFSaKD IN THE HV.TIATt OF THS CHITEO STATEH JANUARY 21, 1830, 



WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED DY DUFF GREEfJ^. 
1830. 



l_ii. 



SPEECH 



OK Mn. rrAv.vr, ok south Carolina, in reply to mr. websteb, of 

MASSACHUSETTS. 



In reply to Mr. AVedster, Mr. UAYNE rose and said — 
When I took occasion, Mr. President, two days ago, to throw out some 
ideas witli respect to the policy of the Government, in relation to the public 
lands, nothiag certainly could have been further from my thoughts, than that I 
should be compelled again to throw myself upon the indulgence of the Senate. 
Little did I expect to be called upon to meet such an argument as was yester- 
day urged by the gentleman ftom Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster.) Sir, I ques- 
tioned no man's opinions; I impeached no man's motives; I charged no party, 
or State, or section of country, with hostility to any other; but ventured, I 
thought, in a becoming spirit, to put forth my own sentiments in relation to a 
great question of public policy. Such was my course. The gentleman from 
Missou'i'i, (Mr. Benton) it is true, had charged upon the Eastern States, an 
early and continued hostility towards the West, and referred to a number of 
historical facts and documents in support of that charge. Now, Sir, how have 
these difterent arguments been met.-* The Hon. gentleman from Massachu- 
setts, after deliberating a whole night upon his course, comes into this chamber 
to vindicate A ew England; and instead of Uiaking up UU Lssuc with the gentle- 
man from Missouri, on the charges which ke had preferred, chooses to consider 
me as the author of those charges, and losing sight entirely of that gentleman, 
selects me as his adversary, and pours out all the vials of his mighty wrath upon 
my devoted head. Nor is he willing to stop there. He goes on to assail the 
institutions and policy of the South, and calls in question the principles and 
conduct of the State which 1 have the honor in part to represenj/ When I 
fintl a "cntleman of mature age and experience, of acknowledged talents and. 
profound sagacity, pursuing a course like this, declining the contest offered 
from the West, and making war on the unoffending South, I mast believe, 
I am bound to believe, he has some object in view, that he has not ventured 
to disclose. Mr. Phesidext, why is thi>? Has the gentleman discovered in 
former controversies with the gentlemm from Missouri, that he is over- 
inatclu'd by that Senator? And does he hope for an easy victory over a more 
feeble adversary? Has the gentleman's distempered fancy been disturbed by 
bloomy forebodings of " new alliances to be formed," at which he hinted? Has 
fhe ghost of the murdorcd Coamtion come back, like the ghost of lianquo, to 



«» sear the eye-balls of the gentleman," and will it not " down at his bid<ling?" 
Are dark visions of broken hopes, and honors lost forever, still floating before 
his heated imagination? Sir, if it be his object Jto thrust me between the gen- 
tleman from Missouri and himself, in order to rescue the East from the contest 
it has provoked with the West, he shall not be gratified. Sir, I will not be 
dragged into the defence ot my friend from Missouri. The South shall not 
be forced into a conflict not its own. The gentleman from Missouri is able to 
fight his own battles. The giUant We-t need no aid tVom the South to repel 
any attack which may be made on them from any quarter. Let the gentleman 
from Massachusetts controvert the facts and arguments of the gentleman from 
Missouri, if he can; and if he win the victory, let him wear its honors. I shall 
not deprive him of his laurels. 

The gentleman from Massachusetts, in reply to my remarks on the injurious 
operation of our land system on the prosperity of the West, pronounced an ex- 
travagant eulogium on the paternal care which the Government had extended 
towards the Wejjt, to which he attributed all that was great and excellent in 
the present condition of the new States. The language of the gentleman on 
this topic, fell upon my ears like the almost forgotten tones of the tory leaders 
of the British Parliament at the commencement of the American Revolution. 
They, too, discovered that the colonies had grown great under the fostering 
care of the mother country J and I must confess, while listening to the gentle- 
man, 1 thought the appropriate reply to his argument was to be found in the 
remark of a celebrated orator, made on that occasion, "they have grown great 
in spite of your protection. " 

The gentleman, in commenting on the policy of the Government in 
relation to the new States, has introduced to our notice a certain Nathan Dane^ 
of Massachusetts, to whom he attributes the celelTi'ated ordinance of '87, by 
which he tells us " Slavery was forever excluded from the new States North 
ot the Ohio." After eulogising the wisdom of this provision, in terms of the 
most extravagant praise, he breaks forth in admiration of the greatness of Na- 
than Dane — and great indeed he must be, if it be true, as stated by the Senator 
from Massachusetts, "• that he was greater than Solon and Lycurgus, Minos, 
Num^ Pompilius, and all the Legislators and Philosophers of the world," an- 
cient and modern. Sir, to such high authority it is certainly my duty, in a 
becoming spirit of humility, to submit; and yet, the gentleman will pardon me 
when I say, that it is a little unfortunate for the fame of this great Leo-islator. 
that the gentleman from Missouri should have proved, that he was not the au- 
thor of the ordinance of '87, on which the Senator from Massachusetts has 
reared so glorious a monument to his name. Sir, I doubt not the Senator will 
feel some compassion for our ignorance, when I tell him that, so little are we 
acquainted with the modern great men of New England, that, until he informed 
us yesterday, that we possessed a Solon and a Lycurgus in the person of Na- 
than Dane, he was only known to the South as a member of a celebrated as- 



sembly, called and known by the name of "/Ae Hartford Convention.''^ In tlie 
proceedings of that assembly, which I hold in my hand, (at page 19) will be 
♦bund, in a few lines, the history of Nathan Dane; and a little further on 
there is conclusive evidence of that ardent devotion to the interests of the new 
States, which, it seems, has given him a just claim to the title of " Father of 
the West." By the second resolution of the "Hartford Convention," it is 
declared " that it is expedient to attempt to make provision for restraining 
Consrress in the exercise of an unlimited power to make new States, "and ad- 
mitting tliem into the Union." So much for Nathan Dane, of Beverly, Mas- 
sachusetts. 

In commenting upon my views in relation to the public lands, the gentle- 
man insists, that, it being one of the conditions of the grants that these lands 
should be appli 'd to the common benefit of all the States, "they must always 
remain a fund for revenue;'^ and adds. " they must be treated as so much trea- 
sure.''^ Sir, the gentleman could hardly find language strong enough to con- 
vey his disapprobation of the policy which I had ventured to recommend to 
the favorable coaisideration of the country. And what, Sir, was that policy? 
and what is the difference between that gentleman and myself on this subject? 
I threw out the idea that the public lands ought not to be reserved forever, 
" as a great fund for revenue;" that they ought not t > be treated as a great 
treasure; but, that the course of our policy should rather be directed towards 
the creation of new States, and building up great and flourishing communities. 
Now, Sir, will it be believed by those wlvo now hear me, and who listened to 
the gentleman's denunciation of my doctrines yesterday, that a book then lay open 
before hiin, nay, that he held it in his hand, and read from it certain passages 
of his own speech, delivered *" +hp Hnuse of Representatives, in 1825, in 
which speech he himself contended for the very doctrines I have advocated, and 
almost in the same terms. Here is the speech of the Hon. Daniel Webster, 
contained in the 1st volume of Gales & Seaton's Register of Debates, (p. 251) 
delivered in the House of Representatives, on the 18th January, 1825, in a 
debate on the Cumberland Road — the very debate from which the Senator i*ead 
yesterday I slvall read from this celebrated speech two passages, from which it 
will appear that, both as to the past and future policy of the Government, in rela- 
tion to the public lands, the gentleman from Massachusetts maintained, in 1825, 
substantially, the same opinions which I have advanced, but which lie now so 
strongly reprobates. I said. Sir, that the system of credi: sales, by which 
the West had been kept constantly in debt to the United States, and by whidx 
their wealth was drained off' to be expended elsewhere, had operated injurious- 
ly on their prosperity. On this point the gentleman from Massachusetts, in 
January, 1825, expressed himself thus: 

" There could be no doubt, if gentlemen looked at the money received into 
the Treasury for the sale of the public lands to tlie West, and then looked at the 
whole amount expended by Gov(Mnm<Mit. even including the whole aii\ount 



- 6 

of what was laid out for the army, the latter must be allowed to be very inconsi 
derable, and there must be a constant drain of money from the West, to pay for 
thepublic lands. It might, indeed, be said, that this was no mote than the re- 
fluence of capital which had previously gone over the mountains. Be it se; 
still its practical eftect was to produce inconvenience, if not distress by ab- 
sorbing the money of the people.^^ 

I contended that the public lands ouglit not to be treated merely as a " fund 
for revenue;" that they ought not to be hoarded " as a great treasure " On 
this point, the Senator expressed himself thus: " Government, he believed, had 
received eighteen or twenty millions of dollars from the public lands, and it 
was with the greatest satisfaction he adverted to the change which had been 
introduced in the mode of paying for them; yet he should never think the na- 
tional domaifi was to be regarded as any great source of revenue. The great 
object of the Government, in respect to these lands, was not so much the mo- 
ney derived from their sale, as it was the getting them settled. "What he meant 
to say was, he did not tliink they ought to hug that domain as a great trea- 
sure, which was to enrich the exchequer," &c. 

Now, Mr. President, it will be seen that the very doctrines which the gen- 
tleman so indignantly abandons, were urged by him in 1825; and if I had ac- 
tually borrowed my sentiments from those which he then avowed, I could not 
have followed more closely in his footsteps. Sir, it is only since the gentle- 
man quoted this book, yesterday, that my attention has been turned to the senti- 
ments he expressed in 1825; and if I had remembered them, I might possibly 
have been deterred from uttering sentiments here, which it might well be sup- 
posed 1 had borrowed from that gentleman. 

In 1825, the gentleman told the world that the public lands " ought not ty 
be treated as a tieasure." He now tells us, that " they must be treated as so 
much treasure." What the deliberate opinion of the gentleman on this sub- 
ject may be, it belongs not to me to determine; but I do not think he can, 
with the shadow of justice or propriety, impugn my sentiments, while his own 
recorded opinions are identical with my own. When the gentleman refers to 
the conditions of the grants under which the United States have acquired these 
lands, and insists that, as they are declared to be " for the common benefit 
of all the States," they can only be treated as so much treasure, I think he 
has applied a rule of construction too narrow for the case. If, in the deeds 
of cession, it has been declared, that the grants were intended for " the com- 
mon benefit of all the States," it is clear, from other provisions, that they were 
not intended merely as so much property; for, it is expressly declared, tiiat 
the object of the grants is the creation of new States; and the United States, 
in accepting the trust, bind themselves to facilitate the formation of those States, 
to be admitted into the Union with all the rights and privileges of the original 
States. This, ISir, was the great end to which all parties looked, and it is by 
the fulfilment of this high trust that "the commoa benefit of all the States" 



13 to be best promoted. Sir, let me tell the gentleman, that, in the part of tlie 
country in which I live, we do not measure political benefits bv tlie inonctj 
stcuidard. "We consider as more valuable tlian gold — libertv, principle, and 
justice. 

But, Sir, if we are bound to act on the narrow principles contended for by 
the gentleman, I am wholly at a loss to conceive how he can reconcile his 
principles with his own practice. The lands are, it seems, to be treated "as 
so much treasure, and must be applied to the common benefit of all the States." 
Now, if this be so, w here does he derive the right to appropriate them for par- 
tial aiid local objects? How can the gentleman consent to vote away iinmenso 
bodies of these lands, for canals in Indiana and Illinois; to the Louisville and 
Portland canal; to Kenyon College in Ohio; to Schools for the Deaf and 
Dumb; and other objects of a similar description.^ If grants of this character 
can fairly be considered as made for "the common benefit of all the States," 
it can only be because all the States are interested in the welfare of each — a 
principle, which, carried to the full extent, destroys all distinction between 
local and national objects; and is certainly broad enough to embrace the prin- 
ciples for which I have ventured to contend. Sir, the true diflerence between 
us I take to be this: the gentleman wishes to treat the public lands as a great 
treasure, just as so much money in the Treasury, to be applied to all objects, 
constitutional and unconstitutional, to which the public money is now constant- 
ly applied. I consider it as a sacred trust, which we ought to fulfil on the 
principles for which I have contended. 

The Senator from Massachusetts has thought proper to present in strong 
contrast the friendly feelings of the East towards the West, with the senti- 
ments of an op[jusUc cliaiacier, Ulsplaj oi by tli« South, in relation tr) appro- 
priations for Internal Improvement. Now, Sir, let it be recollected that the 
South have made no professions (I have certainly made none in their behalf) 
of regard for the West It has been reserved to the gentleman from Massa- 
chusetts, while he vaunts his own personal devotion to Western interests, to 
claim for the entire section of country to which he belongs, an ardent friend- 
ship for the West, as manifested by their support of the system of Internal 
Improvement, while he casts in our teeth the reproach that the South has man- 
ifested hostility to Western interests, in opposing appropriations for such 
objects. That gentleman, at the same time, acknowledged that the South 
entertains constitutional scruples on the subject. Are we then, Sir, to un- 
derstand that the gentleman considers it a just subject of reproach, that we 
respect our oaths, by which we are bound "to preserve, protect, and defend, 
the Constitution of the United States?" Would the gentleman have us mani- 
fest our love to the West, by trampling under foot our constitutional scruples? 
Does he not perceive, if the South is to be reproached with unkindness to 
the West, in voting against appropriations which the gentleman admits tliey 
could not vote for without doing violence to tJieir constitutional opiniotis, tl\at 



8 

he exposes himself to the (luestion — whether, if he Were in our situation, he 
could vote for these appropriations regardless of his scruples? No, Sir, I will 
not do the gentleman so great injustice. He has fallen into this error from 
not having duly weiglied the force and effect of the reproach which he was 
endeavoring to cast upon the South. In relation to the other point, the friend- 
ship manifested by New England towards the West, in their support of the 
system of Internal Improvement, the gentleman will pardon me for saying, 
that I think he is equally unfortunate in having introduced that topic. As 
that gentleman has f)rced it upon us, however, I cannot suffer it to pass un- 
noticed. When the gentleman tells us that the appropriations for Internal 
Improvements in the West would, in almost every instance, have failed, but 
for the New England votes, he has forgotten to tell us the when^ the hoiv, and 
the wherefore, this new born zeal for the West sprung up in the bosom of 
New England. If we look back only a few years, we will find, in both Houses 
of Congress, an uniform and steady opposition, on the part of the members 
from the Eastern States, generally, to all appropriations of this character. \t 
the time I became a member of this House, and for some time afterwards, a 
decided majority of the New England Senators were opposed to the very 
measures which the Senator from Massachusetts tells us they now cordially 
support. Sir, the Journals are before me, and an examination of them will 
satisfy every gentlemm of that fact. It must be well known to every one 
whose experience dates back as far as 1825, that, up to a certain period. New 
Eni'land was generally opposed to appropriations for Internal Improvements 
in the West. The gentleman from Massachusetts may be himself an excep- 
tion; but, if he went for the system before 1825, it is certain that his col- 
lea"-ues did not §o with him. ii. iho session ol loa^ antt 'ii5, however, (a 
memorable sera in the history of this country) a wonderful change took place 
in New England in relation to Western interests. Sir, an extraordinary union 
of sympathies and of interests was then effected, which brought the East and 
the West into close alliance. The book from which I have before read, con- 
tains the first public annunciation of that happy reconciliation of conflicting 
interests, personal and political, which brought the East and the West to- 
gether, and locked in a fraternal embrace tlie two great orators of the East 
and the West. Sir, it was on the 18th January, 1825, while the result of the 
Presidential election in the H<mse of Representatives was still doubtful — while 
the whole country was looking with intense anxiety to that legislative hall, 
where the mighty drama was so soon to be acted — that we saw the leaders of 
two great parties in the House and in the nation "taking sweet counsel to- 
gether," and in a- celebrated debate on the Cumberland Road, fighting side 
by side for fVesfern interests. It was on that memorable occasion that the 
Senator from Massachusetts held out the white flag to the West, and uttered 
those liberal sentiments, which he, yesterday, so indignantly repudiated. 
Then it was, that that happy union between the members of the celebrated co- 



9 

■x'ution was consummated, whose immediate issue was* u President from one 
ijttarter of (he Union, with the succession (as it was supposed) secured to 
another. The " American system," before, a rude, disjoi'iied, and missha- 
pen mass, now assumed form and consistency. Tlien it was. tkit it became 
"the settled policy of the Government," that this system sliould be so admi- 
nistered as to create a reciprocity of interests, and a reciprocal distribution of 

Govermcntal favors — East and West, (theTariffand Internal Improvements) 

while the South — yes sir, tlie impracticable South, was to be "out of your 
^)roteclion." The ^ci\tleman may boast as much as he pleases of the friend- 
ship of New England for the West, as displayed in their support of internal 
improvement; but, when he next introduces that topic, I trust that he will tell 
lis when that friends': p commenced, how it was brought about, and why it 
was established? Before I leave this topic, I must be permitted to say, tliat 
the true character of the policy now pursued by the gentleman from Massa- 
chusetts, and his friends, in relation to appropriations of land and money 
for the benefit of the West, is, in my estimation, very similar to that pursued 
fay Jacob of old towards his brother Esau — "It robs them of their birthright 
for a mess of pottage." 

The gentleman from Massachusetts, in alluding to a remark of mine, that, 
before any disposition could be made of the public lands, the national debt 
for which they stand pledged) must be first paid, took occasion to intimate, 
••that the extraordinary fervor wbich seems to exist in a certain quarter 
jneaning the South, Sir,] for the payment of the debl, arises from a disposi- 
tion to weaken the ties which bind the people to the Union.'''' While the 
gentleman deals us this blow, he prof-'^ses an arden- desire to see the debt 
speedily extinguished. He must excuse me, however, for feeling some distrust 
on that subject, until I find this disposition manifested by somethin* stron«^er 
than professions. I shall look for acts, decided and unequivocal acts, for the 
performance of which an opportunity will very soon (if I am not greatly mis- 
taken) be aftbrded. Sir, if I were at liberty to judge of the course which that 
gentleman would pursue, from the principles he has laid down in relation to 
this matter, I should be bound to conclude, that he will be found acting with 
those with whom it is a darling object to prevent the payment of the public 
debt. He tells us he is desirous of paying the debt, ** because we are under 
an obligation to discharge it." Now, Sir, suppose it should happen that the 
public creditors, with whoni we have contracted the obligation, should releasfe 
us from it, so far as to declare their willingness to wait for payment for fifty 
years to come, provided only, the interest shall be punctually discharged? The 
gentleman from Massachusetts \>'ill then be released from the obligation which 
now makes him desirous of paying the debt: ami, let me tell the gentleman, the 
holders of the stock will not only release us from this obligation, but they will im- 
plore, nav, they will even jiaij us, not to pay them. " But," adds the gentleman, 
- -o far as the debt may have an eftect in binding the debtors to the countrjt, 



10 

and thereby serving as a link to hold the States together, he would be glad that 
it should exist forever." Surely then, Sir, on the gentleman's own principles, 
he must be opposed to the payment of the debt. Sir, let me tell that gentle- 
man, that the South repudiates the idea that a pecuniary dependence on the 
IFederal Government is one of the legitimate means of holding the States to- 
gether. A moneyed interest in the Government is essentially a base interest; 
9.nd, just so far as it operates to bind the feelings of those who are subjected to 
it, to the Government — just so far as it operates in creating sympathies and 
interests that would not otherwise exist — is it opposed to all the principles of 
free government, and at war with virtue and patriotism. Sir, the link which 
l^indsthe public creditors, as such, to their country, binds them ef^ually to all 
governments, whether arbitrary or free. In a free government, this principle 
of abject dependence, if extended through all the ramifications of society, 
must be fatal to liberty. Already have we made alarming strides in that di- 
rection. The entire class of manufacturers; the holders of stocks, with their 
hundre(is of millions of capital; are held to the Government by the strong link 
of pecuniary interests. Millions of people, entire sections of country, inter- 
ested, or believing themselves to be so, in the public lands, and the public 
treasure, are bound to the Government by expectations of pecuniary favors. 
If this system is carried much further, no man can fail to see that every ge- 
nerous motive of attachment to the country will be destroyed, and in its place 
will spring up those low, grovelling, base, and selfish feelings, which bind men 
to the footstool of a despot by bonds as strong and as enduring as those which 
attach them to free institutions. Sir, I would lay the foundation of this Go- 
vernment in the affections of the people. I would teach them to cling to it by J 
dispensing equal justice; and, above all, b^ ocuwdng the "blessings of liberty 
to themselves and to their posterity." 

The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts has gone out of his way to pass 
a high eulogium on the State of Ohio. In the most impassioned tones of elo- 
quence, he described her majestic march to greatness. He told us, that, 
having already left all the other States far behind, she \yas now passing by Vir- • 
ginia and Pennsylvania, and about to take her station by the side of New York. 
To all this. Sir, I was disposed most cordially to respond. ^When, hovvever, 
the gentleman proceeded to contrast the State of Ohio w ith K.entucky, to the 
disadvantage of the latter, I listened to him with regret; and when he proceed- 
ed further, to attribute the great, and, as he supposed, acknowledged superiority 
of the former, in population, wealth, and general prosperity, to the policy of 
Nathan Dane, of Massachusetts, which had secured to the people of Ohio 
(by the ordinance of '87) a poptdation of freemen, I will confess that my feel- 
ings suffered a revulsion, which I am now unable to describe, in any language 
sufficiently respectful towards the gentleman from Massachusetts. In con- 
trasting the State of Ohio with Kentucky, for the purpose of pointing out the 
superiority of the former, and ofjtttributing that superiority to the existence of 



11 

s!av€nj in the one State, and its absence in the other, I tliou»ht I could «liscern 
the very spirit of the Missouri quesfion intruded into this tlebate, for objects 
best known to the gentlenum himself,.. Did that frentleinan. Sir, when he 
formed the determination to cross the Southern border, in order to in\ade the 
State of South Carolina, deem it prudent or necessary to enlist under his ban- 
ners the prejudices of the world, which, like Stviss troops, may be engaged in 
any cause, and are prepared to serve under any leader? Did he desire to avail 
himself of tliose remorseless allies — the passions nj mankind — of which it may 
be more truly said, than of the savage tribes of the wilderness, " that their known 
rule of warfare is an indiscriminate slaughter of all ages, sexes, and condi- 
tions?" Or was it supposed, Sir, that, in a premeditated and unprovoked at- 
tack upon the South, it was advisable to begin by a gentle admonition of our 
supposed iceakncssy in order to prevent us from making that firm and manly re- 
sistance, due to our own charactei-, and our dearest interests? "Was the sisnit- 
/leant hint of the weakness of slave hohling States, when contrasted with the 
superior strength of free States, like the glare of the weapon half drawn from 
its scabbard, intended to enforce the lessons of prudence and of patriotism, 
which the gentleman had resolved, out of his abundant generosity, gratuitously 
to bestow upon us? )Mr. President, the impression which has gone abroad of 
the U'eakness of the South, as connected with the slave question, exposes us to 
such constant attacks, has done us so much injury, and is calculated to pro- 
duce such infinite mischiefs, that 1 embrace the occasion presented by the re- 
marks of the gentleman from Massachusetts, to declare that we are ready io 
meet the question promptly and fearlesslyJ It is one from which we are not 
disposed to shrink, in whatever form, or uriUer whatever circumstances, it may 
be pressed upi»n us. We arc ready to make up the issue with the gentleman, 
as to the influence of slavery on individual and national character— on the 
prosperity and greatness, either of the United States, or of particular States. 
Sir, when arraigned before thebar of public opinion on this charge of slavery, 
we can stand up with conscious rectitude, plead not guilty, and put ourselves 
upon God and our country. Sir, we will not consent to look at slavery in the 
abstract. We will not stop to inquire whether the black man, as some philo- 
sophers have contended, is of an inferior race, nor whether his color and condi- 
tion are the effects of a curse inflicted for the olfences of his ancestors. ^^ e 
deal in no abstractions. We will not h.ok back to inquire whether oar fathers 
vere <ruiltless in introducing slaves into this country. 

If a*n inquiry should ever be instituted into these matters, however, it wdl 
be found that the profits of the slave trade were not confined to the South. 
Southern shipsand Southern sailors were not the instruments of bringing slaves 
to the shores of America; nor did our merchants reap the prolits ot that " ac- 
<^ursed traflic." But, Sir, we will pa.s over all this. If slavery, as it now ex- 
ists in this country, be an evil, we, of the present .Uy, found it ready made to 
our hands. Finding our lot cast among a people whom God had manifestly 



is 

committed to our care, we did not sit down to speculate on abstract questions 
of theoretical liberty. We met it as a practical question of obligation and 
duty. We resolved to make the best of the situation in which Providence had 
placed us, and to fulfil the high trust which had devolved upon us, as the own- 
ers of slaves, in the only way in which such a trust could be fulfilled, without 
spreading misery and ruin throughout the land. We found that we had to deal 
with a people whose physical, moral, and intellectual habits and character to- 
tally disqualified them for the enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. We 
could not send them back to the shores frotn whence their fathers had been ta- 
ken; their numbers forbade the thought, even if we did not know that their 
condition here is infinitely preferable to what it possibly could be among the bar- 
ren sands and savage tribes of Africa; and it was wholly irreconcilable witk 
all our notions of humanity, to tear asunder the ties which they had formed 
among us, to gratify the feelings of a false philanthropy. . 

What a commentary on the wisdom, justice, and humanity of tlie Southeris 
slave-holder, is presented by the example of certain benevolent associations, 
and charitable individuals, elsewhere! Shedding weak tears over sufferings 
which had existence only in their own sickly imaginations, these " friends of 
humanity" set themselves systematically to work to seduce the slaves of the 
South from their masters. By means of missionaries and political tracts, ther 
scheme was, in a great measure, successful. Thousands of these deluded 
victims of fanatacism were seduced into the enjoyment of freedom in- our 
Northern cities: and what has been the consequence? Go to these cities now, 
and ask the question. Visit the dark and narrow lines and obscure recesses, 
which have been assigned, by common consent, as the abodes of those outcasts 
of the world — the free people of rnir,^- si^, tKcio Uoes not exist, on the face of 
the whole earth, a population so poor, so wretched, so vile, so loathsome, so 
utterly destitute of all the comforts, conveniencies, and decencies of life, as 
the unfortunate blacks of Philadelphia, New York, and Boston. Liberty has 
been to them the greatest of calamities— the heaviest of curses. Sir, I have 
had some opportunities of making comparisons between the free negroes of the 
North and the slaves of the South; and the comparison has left not only an 
indelible impression of the superior advantages of the latter, but has -one far 
to reconcde me to slavery itself. Never have I felt so forcibly that t!.uchin£: 
description, - the foxes have holes, and the birds of the air have nests, but the 
Son of Man hath not where to lay his head," as wlien I have seen this unhappy 
race, naked and houseless, almost starving in f he streets, and abandoned by ail 
the worid Sir, I have seen in the neighborhood of one of the most moral, re- 

and plu^Ier '' ' ' ' "^^^'"'"^ "" precarious subsistence from charity 

When the gentleman from Massachusetts adopts and reiterates the old charoe 

of «.eaAnm, as resultingfrom slavery, I must bepermitted tocall for the proof of 



13 



those blighting effects which he ascribes to its influence. I suspect that when the 
subject is closely examined, it will be found that there is not much force even 
in the plausible objection of the want of physical power in slave-holding 
States. Tlie power of a country is compounded of its population and its 
wealtli, and, in modern times, where, from tl»e very form antl structure of so- 
ciety, by far tlie greater portion of the people must, even during the continu- 
ance of the most desolating wars, be employed in the cultivation of the soil, 
and other peaceful pursuits, it may be well doubted whetl\er slave-holding 
States, by reason of tl»e superior value of their productions, are not able to 
maintain a number of troops in the field fully equal to what cuuld be support- 
ed by States with a larger white population, but not possessed of equal resour- 
ces. It is a popular error to suppose, tliat, in any possible state of things, the 
people of a country could ever be called out en masse, or that a half, or a 
third, or even a fifth part of the physical force of any country could ever be 
brought into the field. The difficulty is not to procure men, but to provide 
the 7nea)i8 of maintaining them; and, in tliis view of the subject, it may be ask- 
ed whether the Southern States arc not a source of s/rc/j^-zA and ;;offer, and not 
of weakness, to the country; whether they have not contributed largely to the 
wealth and prosperity of every State in tlie Union. From a statement wiiicli 
Ihttld in my hand, it appears, that, in 10 years, from 1818 to 1827, inclusive, 
the whole amount of the domestic exports of tiie United States, was S5Jll,8ll,- 
045; of which, tliree articles, (Ihe product of slave lahor) viz: cotton, rice, aiwl 
tobacco, amounted to 8339,203,232; equal to about two-thirds of the whole. 
It is not true, as has been supposed, that the advantages of this labor are con- 
fined almost exclusively to the Southern .States. Sir, I am tlionm-jjlily con- 
vinced thai, at this iiim., <a- */-<— "v — ih nf iht> P.Jnnuic uctuallij dcrivr 
.,ealcr nrofltifrom Ike labor of our davcs than wedo our«/rt.. It .p,«.r. 
frJm ,eVw.c -locumen,,, that, i. seven years, f.om .8., .„ 18.7, ,n_c.„..e, 
Zl Southern States exporUd S190,r,3r,281, an,l nnpoHed only R«,6«,. 
'm No V the aifference between tl.es.two sums, (near SHn,OUU,0U„.),«m- 
:" ;.ro« °/. >hc hand, of. I. yorlLern mcrc/u,,,-., and enable,! them to carry „,t 
e* commercial operation, with all the «oria. Such part of these gt-ods a, 
tZZZ back t'o our hands, came charged „ i.h .he ,lut es, as .veil as the pro- 
"."of the merchant, the ship o«ner, and a host of others, vvho found employmn 

it^carr inln these immense exchanges; and for such part as was consun.c.l at 
,he Wh we received in exchange .V,.r,/,«,. ,nan„far,urc.. charged w,th an 

t"::^;L ..ever ., .he .a..s which '^--;'';;:-~::: ^ . ^t' 'I 

u'ted States, and how, largelv our Northern brethren have par.,c,,» ed m t .. 
^2 of a. labor. Sir, on ibis subject I will M-'^ -»""-">• ;'-;• 

rdtbt „ot,beeonsidered by.heSen rfrom M-sachusetts^asettnUe to s 

,«p,„ I, i, from the great Fa.h-r of •• the American System. 



14 

Mathew Carey; no great frieud, it is true, at this time, to Southern rights and 
Southern interests, but not the worse authority on that account, on the point 
in ques'ion. 

Speaking of the relative importance to the Union of the Southern and the 
Eastern States, Mathew Carey, in the sixth edition of his Olive Branch, 
page 278, after exhibiting a number of statistical tables, to show the decided 
superiority of the former, thus proceeds: 

''But I am tired of this investigation — I sicken for the honor of the humin 
species. What idea must the world form of the arrogance of the pretensions oh 
the one side, (the East) and of the folly and weakness of the rest of the Union, 
to have so long suffered them to pass without exposure and detection. The 
naked fact is, that the demagogues in the Eastern States, not satisfied with de- 
riving all the benefits from the Southern section of the Union that they would 
from so many ivealthy colonies, — with making princely fortunes by the carriage 
and exportation of its bulky and valuable productions, and supplying it ivith 
their own manufactures^ and the productions of Europe and the East and West 
Indies to an enormous amount, and at an immense profit, have uniformly 
treated it with outrage, insult and injury, and regardless of their vital inte- 
rests, the Eastern States, were lately courting their own destruction^ by allow- 
ing a few restless, turbulent men to lead them blindfold ^o a separation, which 
uas pregnant with their certain ruin. Whenever that event takes place, they 
sink into insignificance. If a separation were desirable to any part of the 
Union, it would be to the middle and Southern States, particularly the latter, 
who have been so long harrasscd with the complaints, the restlessness, the tur- 
bulence, and the ingratitude of the Eastern States, that their patience has been 
taxed almost beyond endurance. ' Jeshuran waxed fat and kicked,^ and he wrll 
be ^evercw p«nisnecl tor his kicking m the event of a dissolution of the Union. " 
Sir I wish it to be distinctly understood, that I do not adopt these sentiments 
as my own. I quote them to show that very different sentiments have prevailed 
in former times, as to the weakness of the slave-holding States, from those 
which now seem to have becoipe fashionable in certain quarters. I know it 
has been supposed by certain ill-informed persons, that the South exists only by 
the countenance and protection of the North. Sir, this is the idlest of all idle 
and ridiculous fancies tliat ever entered into the mind of man. In every State 
of this Union, except one, the free white population actually preponderates; and 
while, in the British W^esl India Islands, (where the average white population 
is less than fen per cent, of the xohole,) the slaves are kept in entire subjection, 
it is preposterous to suppose tliat the Southern States could ever find the small- 
est difficulty in this respect. On this subject, as on all others, we ask nothing 
of our Northern brethren but to "let us alone;" leave us to the undisturbed 
management of our domestic concerns, and the direction of our own industry, 
and we will ask no more. Sir, all our difficulties on this subject, have arisen 
from interference from abroad, which has disturbed, and may again disturb, our 



15 

domestic traiwjuillity, just so far as to bring down punishment upon the hcitls 
of the uiiforlunate victims of a fanatical and mistaken iuimanitv. Tlu'rc is 
a spirit, which, like tlie father of evil, is constantly "walking to and fro ab)ut 
the eartli," seeking whom it may devour; it is the spirit of kai.sk i-hii-aniii ro- 
py. The persons whom it possesses do not, indeed, throw themselves into the 
Jlames; but they are employed in lighting up the torches of discord throu;.'.liout 
the community. Their lirst principle of action is to leave their own aft'airs, 
and neglect their own duties, to regulate the aftairs and the duties of others. 
Thcir's is the task to feed the hungry and clothe (he naked of other lands, wiiile 
thev thrust the naked, famislicd, and shivering i)eggur from their own doors: — 
to instruct the heathen, while their own children want ihe bread of life. 
When this spirit infuses itself into the bosom of a statesman, (if one so possess- 
can be called a statesman,) it converts him at once into a visionary enthu- 
siast. Then it is that he indulges in golden dreams of national greatness and 
prosperity. He discovers that "liberty is power;" and not content with vast 
schemes of improvement at home, (which it would bankruj)t the treasury of 
the world to execute,) he flies to foreign lands, to fulfil his obligations to 
mankind by inculcating the principles '• of political and religious liberty,'' 
and promoting "the general welfare" of the whole human race. It is a spirit 
which has long been busy with the slaves of the Sozdh, and is even now display- 
ing itself in vain eftbrts to drive (.he Government from its wise policy in relation 
to the Indians. It is this spirit that has tilled the land with thousan<ls of 
wild and visionary projects, which can have no effect but to waste the energies 
and '<lissipatc t!ie resources of the country. It is the spirit of which the aspir- 
ing politician dexterously avails himself, when, by inscribing on his banner the 
magical woi-dri i-mBn-rv a.ni\ piiii.a jctii Ropy. lie draws to his support that entire 
class of persons who are ready to bow down at the very names of ihcir idols. 

-But, Sir, whatever diifereuce of opinion may exist as to the effect of slavery 
on national wealth and prosperity, if we may trust to experience, there can be 
no doubt tliat it has never yet produced any injurious effect on individual ov 
national cliaracter. Look tlirough the whole history of the co-intrv. from the 
commencement of the Revolution down to t!ie present hour. Where are there 
to be found brighter examples of intellectual and moral greatness, tlian have 
been exhibited by the sons of the Soutli? From the Father of his Couxtrv 
down to the distinguished chieftain who has been elevated, by a grateful 
people, to the highest office in their gift, the interval is filled up bv a long line 
of orators, of statesmen, and of heroes, justly entitled to rank among the orna- 
ments of their country, and the benefactors of mankind. Look at ''the Old 
Dominion," great and magfianimous Virginia, "whose jewels are her sons." 
Is there any State in this Union who has contributed s(» much to the honor and 
welfare of the country? Sir, I will yield (lie whole question — I will acknow- 
ledge the fatal effects of slavery upon character, if any one can assert that, for 
noble disinterestedness, ardent love of country, exalted virtue, and a pure and 



16 

holj devotion to liberty, the people of the Southern States iiavc ever been su! - 
passed by any in the world. I know, Sir, that this devotion to liberty has some^ 
times been supposed to be at war with our institutions. But it is in some de- 
gree the result of those very institutions. Burke, tlie most philosophical of 
statesmen, as he was the most accomplisiied of orators, well understood the 
operation of this principle in elevating the sentiments, and exalting the princi- 
ples of the people, in slave holding States. I will conclude my remarks on 
this branch of the subject by reading a few |>assages from his speech " on moving 
"his resolutions for conciliation with the Colonies," 22d March, 1775. 

" There is a circumstance attending the Southern Colonies which makes the 
Spirit of liberty still more high and haughty than in those to the Northward. ^ 
It is, that, in Virginia and the Carolinas, they have a vast multitude of slaves. 
Where this is the case, in any part of the world, those who are free, are by hr 
the most proud and jealous of their freedom. Freedom is to them not only an 
enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. Not seeing, that as in countries 
where it is a common blessing, and as broad and general as the air, it may be 
united with much abject toil, with great misery, with all the exterior of servitude, 
liberty looks among them like something that is more noble and liberal. I do 
not mean. Sir, to commend the superior morality of this sentiment, which has 
at least as much of pride as virtue in it j but I ci^nnot alter the nature of man. 
The fact is so, and these people of the Southern Colonies are much more 
strongly, and with a higher and more stubliorn spirit, attached to liberty than 
those to the North are. Such were all the ancient Commonwealths: such 
were our Gothic ancestors. Such, in our days, were the Voles; and such ivill 
he all masters of slaves, ivho are not slaves themselves. In such a people, the 
haughtiness of domination combines witii the spirit of freedom, fortifies it, and 

rendei-s it inri>^^^^^^'^' 

In the course of my former remarks, Mr. President, I took occasion to 
deprecate, as one of the greatest of evils, the consolidation of this Government. 
Ihe gentleman takes alarm at the sound : Consolidation, like the tariff, grates 
upon his ear. He tell us "we have heard much of late about consolidation; 
that it is the rallying word for all who are endeavouring to weaken the Union.) 
by adding to the power of the States." But consolidation (says the gentle- 
man) v.asthe very object for which the Union was formed, and, in support of 
,lhat opinion, he read a passage from the addj-ess of the President of the Con- 
vention to Congress, which he assumes to be an authority on his side of the 
question. Sir, the gentleman is mistaken. The object of the framers oi 
the Constitution, as disclosed in that address, was not the consolidation of 
■ the Government, but " the consolidation of the Union." It was not to draw 
power fi'om the States in order to transfer it to a great National Government, 
but, in the language of the Constitution itself, "to form a mor e perfect union''^ 
— and by what means? By " establishing justice, promoting domestic tran- 
quillity, and securing the blessings of liberty to ourselvQS and our posterity." 



Thisis the true reading of the Constitution. But according to the genileman'f 
reading;, the object of the Constitution xvas to consolidate the Guvermneni, and 
the moan> would soem to be,tlio promotion of i;,>s/icf,causin- domestic di$cord. 
and depriving the States and tlie people of the -blessinjrs of liberty" forever! 
The gentleman boasts of belon-ing lo the party of Nationai. Rki.i'ulicans. 
National F'^epublicansl— a new name, Sir, for a very old thing. The National 
Republicans of the present day were the federolists of '98, who became/e</c- 
ral republicans during the war of 181i2, and were mum/faclurcd into national 
republicans some where about the year 1825. Jis a party, (bv whatever name 
distinguished) they have always been animated by the same principles, and 
have kept steadily in view a common object, the consolidation (tf tlu- (Jovci n- 
ment. Sir, the party to which I am prou«l of having belonged, from the 
very commencement ()f my political life to the present day, were the Dtrno- 
rrats of '98, {.Anarchists, .ind-Feileralists, lievolutionists^ I think they were 
sometimes called.) They assumed the name of Democratic Republicans in 
1812, and have retained their name and principles up to the present liour. 
True to their political faith, they have always, as a partf/, been in favor ot 
limitations oj power i they have insisted tiiat all powers not delegated to the 
Federal Government are reserved, and have been constantly stru":":iins, as 
they are now struggling, to preserve the rights of the States, and to prevent 
them from being swallowed up, by one great consolidated government. 
Sir, any one, acquainted with the history of parties in this country, 
will recognise, in the points now in dispute between the Senator from 
Massachusetts and myself, the very grounds which have, from the beginning, 
divided the two great parties in this country, and which (call these parties by 
what names you will, and amalgamate them as you may) will divide them 
forever. The true distinction between those parties is laid down in a celebrat- 
ed manifesto issued by a Convention of the Federalists of Massachusetts, as- 
sembled in Boston, in February, 1824, on the occasion of organizing a party 
opposition to the re-election of Governor Eustis. The gentleman will recog- 
nise this as " the canonical book of political scripture;" and it instructs us that 
'•when the American Colonies redeemed themselves from Britisii bondage, and 
became so many iiidejiendent nations, thay proposed to form a National 

Uj^-ion [not a Federal Union Sir, but a National Union.'] Those who 

who were in favor of a union of the States in this form became known by the 
name of /e</fra/isf «; those who wanted no union of the States, or disliked the 
proposed form of union, became known by the name of anti federalists. By 
means which need not be enumerated, the untifcdendists became [after the 
expiration of twelve ye:\rs] our national rulers, and for a period of sixteen 
years, until the close of Mr. Madison's administration in 1817, continued to 
exercise the exclusive direction of our public affairs." Here, sir, is the true 
history of the origin, rise, and progress, of the party of national republicans, who 
date back to the very origin of the Government, and who then, as now, chose 



18 

to consider the Constitution as having created not ^federal but a nationahmion 
—who regarded - consolidation" as no evil, and who doubtless consider it "a 
consummation devoutly to be wished," to build up a great " central govern^ 
ment," " one and indivisible." Sir, there have existed, in every age and eve- 
ry country, two distinct orders of men— f/ie lovers of freedom and the devoted 
advocates of power. The same great leading principles, modified only by pe- 
culiarities of manners, habits, and institutions, divided parties in the ancient 
republics, animated the Whigs and Tories of Great Britain, distinguished in 
our own times the liberals and ultras of France, and may be traced even in the 
bloody struggles of unhappy Spain. Sir, when the gallant Riego, who devot- 
ed himself and all that he possesed to the liberties of his country, was dragged 
to the scaffold, followed by the tears and lamentations of every lover of free- 
dom throughout the world, he perished amidst the deafening cries of " long live 
the absolute king 1" The people whom I represent, Mr. President, are the de- 
scendants of those who brought with them, to this country, as the most precious 
of their possessions, " an ardent love of liberty;" and while that shall be pre- 
served, they will always 'oe found manfully struggling against the consolida- 
tion of the Governiftent , as the worst of evils. 

The Senator from Massachusetts, in alluding to the Tariff, becomes quite fa- 
cetious. He tells us that "he hears of nothing but TariJ^, Tariff, Tariff 
and if a word could be found to rhyme with it, he presumes it would be cele- 
brated in verse, and set to music." Sir, perhaps the gentleman, in mochry of 
our complaints, may be himself disposed to sing the praises of the Tariff in 
doggerel verse, to the tune of "Old Hundred." I am not at all surprised, how- 
ever, at the aversion of the gentleman to the very name of Tariff. I doubt 
not that it must always bring up some very unpleasant recollections to his mind. 
If I am not greatly mistaken, the Senator from Massachusetts was a leading 
actor at a great meeting got up in Boston, in 1820, against the Tariff. It has 
generally been supposed that he drew up the resolutions adopted by that meet- 
. ,ing, denouncing the Tariff system as unequal, oppressive, and unjust; and if I 
am not much mistaken, denying its constitutionalily. Certain it is, that the 
gentleman made a speech on that occasion in support of those resolutions, de- 
nouncing the system in no very measured terms; and, if my memory serves me, 
calling its constitutionality in qxiestion. I regret that I have not been able 
to lay my hands on those proceedings; but I have seen them, and I cannot be 
mistaken as to their character. At that time, Sir, the Senator from Massachu- 
setts entertained the very sentiments in relation to the Tariff which the South 
now entertains. We next find the Senator from Massachusetts expressing his 
opinion on the Tariff as a member of the House of Representatives from the 
city of Boston, in 1824. On that occasion. Sir, the gentleman assumed a po- 
sition which commanded the respect and admirationof his country. He stood 
forth the powerful and fearless champion o^ free trade. He met, in that con- 
flict, the advocates of restriction and monopoly, and they "fled from before his 



19 

/ace." With a ])rotbuiul sagacity, a fulness of knowlcdj^e, and a riclmess of 
illustration that have never been surpassed, he maintained and established the 
principles of commercial freedom on a foundation never to be shaken. Great, 
indeed, was the victory achieved by the gentleman on that occasion; most stri- 
king the contrast, between the clear, forcible and convincing ar^juments, by 
■wliicii he carried away the miderstandiiigs of his hearers, and the narrow views 
.md wretched sopliistry of another distinguished orator, who may be truly 
>aid to to have ** held up his farthing candle to the sun." Sir, the Senator from 
Massachusetts, on that, the proudest day of his life, like a mighty giant, bore 
away upon his shoulders, the pillars of the temple of error and delusion, escaping 
himself unhurt, aivU leaving his adversaries overwhelmed in its ruins. Then 
it was, that he erected to free trade a beautiful and enduring monument, and 
•' inscribed the marble with his name." Mr. President, it is with pain and re- 
gret that I now go forward to the next great era in the political life of that gen- 
tleman, when he was found on this floor, supporting, advocating, and finally 
voting for, the Ta rift" of 1828 — that "bill of abominations." By that act, Sir, 
the Senator from Massachusetts has destroyed the labors of his whole life, and 
given a wound to the cause of free trade, never to be healed. Sir, when I re- 
collect the position which that gentleman once occupied, and that which he now 
holds in public estimation, in relation to this subject, it is not at all surprising that 
the Tarirt" should be hateful to his ears. Sir, if I had erected to my own fame so 
proud a monument as that which the gentleman built up in 1824, and I could 
have been tempted to destroy it with my own hands, I should hate the voice 
that should ring " the accursed Tariff" in my ears. I doubt not the gentle- 
man feels very much, with respect to the Tarift', as a certain knight did to ♦' in* 
s/inc^," and with him would be disposed to exclaim — • 

" Ah! no more of that, Hal, an' thou lovest mc." 

But, Mr. President, to be serious, what are we of the South to think of what 
we have heard this day? The Senator from Massachusetts tells us that the 
Tarift' is not an Eastern measure, and treats it as if the East had no interest in 
it. The Senator from Missouri insists it is not a Western measure, and that 
it has done no good to the West. The South comes in, and, in the most earn- 
est nxanner, represents to you, that this measure, which we are told '* is of no 
value to the East or the West," is "utterly destructive of our interests." We 
represent to you, that it has spread ruin and devastation through the land, and 
prostrated our hopes in the dust. We solemnly declare that we believe the 
system to be wholly unconstitutional, and a violation of the compact between 
the States and the Union ; and our brethren turn a deaf ear to our complaints, 
and refuse to relieve us from a system " which not enriches them, but makes 
us poor indeed." Good God! Mr. President, has it come to this/ Do gentle- 
men hold the feelings and wishes of their brethren at so cheap a rate, that they 
refuse to gratify them at so small a price? Do gentlemen value so lightly thf 



so 

peace and harmony of the country, that tliey will not yield a measure ot this 
description to the affectionate entreaties and earnest remonstrances of their 
friends? Do gentlemen estimate the value of the Union at so low a price, that 
they will not make one effort to bind the States together with the cords of af- 
fection? And has it come to this? Is this the spirit in which this Government 
is to be administered? If so, let me tell gentlemen, the seeds of dissolution 
are already sown, and our children will reap the bitter fruit. 

The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, while he exonerates me 
personally from the charge, intimates that there is a pai'ty in the 
country who are looking to disimion. Sir, if tlie gentleman had stopped 
there, the accusation M'ould "have passed by mc as the idle wind which I 
regard not." But when he goes on to give to his accusation "a local habitation 
and a name," by cpioting the expression of a distinguished citizen of South 
Carolina, (Dr. Coopkr) " that it was time for the Soutii to calculate the value 
of the Union," and in the language of the bitterest sarcasm, adds, '•''surely 
then the Union cannot last longer than July, 1831,"— it is impossible to mis- 
take either the allusion, or the object of the gentleman. Now, Mr. Presi- 
dent, I call upon every one who hears me, to bear witness thiitthis controversy 
is not of my seeking. The Senate will do me the justice to remember, that, 
at the time this unprovoked and uncalled for attack was made upon the South, 
not one word had been uttered by me, in disparagement of New England, nor 
had I made the most distant allusion either to the Senator from Massachusetts, 
or the State he represents, But, Sir, that gentleman has thought proper, for 
purposes best known to himself, to strike the South, through me, the most un- 
worthy of her servants. He has crossed the border, he has invaded the State 
of South Carolina, is making war upon her citizens, and endeavoring to over- 
throw her principles and her institutions. Sir. whpn the gentleman provokes 
me to such a conflict, I meet him at the threshold, — I will struggle while I 
have life, for our altars and our firesides; and, if God gives me strength, I will 
drive back the invader discomfited. Nor shall I stop there. If the gentle- 
man provokes the war, he shall have war. Sir, I v/ill not stop on the border,- 
I will carry the war into the enemy's territory', and not consent to lay down 
my arms, until I shall have obtained "•indemnity for the past, and security 
for the future." It is with unfeigned reluctance, Mr. Presioent, that I enter 
upon the performance of this part of my duty — I shrink almost instinctively 
from a course, however necessary, which may have a tendency to excite sec- 
tional feelings, and sectional jealousies. But, Sir, the task has been forced 
upon me; and I proceed right onward to the perfos-mance of my duty. Be the 
consequences what they may, the responsibility is with tlmse who have impo- 
sed upon me this necessity. The Senator from Massachusetts has thought 
proper to cast the first stone; and if he shall find, according to a homely adage 
"that he lives in a glass house" — on his head be the consequences. The gen- 
tleman has made a great flourish about his fidelitv to Mjissachusetts. I shall 



21 

iiuxke lU) professions of /.t'ul for the interests ;nul liotior ol Soutli (.'aruliia — of 
that my constituents shall juilgo. If then- he oiu" Stati- in the Union, Mr. 
President, (and 1 say it not in a boastful spirit) that may challenge compari 
son with any other for a uniform, /-calous, ardent, and unralculating devotion 
to the Union, that Slate is South Carolina. Sir, from tlie very commencenient 
of the Revolution up to this hour, ihore is no sacrifice, however ^reat, she 
has not cheerfully made; no service she has ever hcsitatetl to perform. She 
has adhered to you in your prosperity; but in your adversity, she has clung to 
you, vith more than filial aiVection. No matter what was the condition of 
her domestic affairs, though deprived of her resources, dividcil by parties, or 
«urroun<led by difficulties, the call of the country has been to her as the voice 
of God. Domestic discord ceased at the sound, every man became at once 
reconciled to his brethren, ;uul the sons of Carolina were all seen crowding 
together to the temple, bringing their gifts to the altar «tf their common coun- 
try. "What, Sir, was the conduct of the South during the Revolution? Sir, 
I honor New England for her conduct in that glorious struggle. But great 
as is the praise which belongs to her, I think at least equal honor is due to 
the South. They espoused the quarrel of their brethren, with a generou? /.eal, 
which did not suiVer them to stop to calculate their interest in the dispute. 
Favorites of the mother country, possessed of neither ships nor seamen to 
create commercial rivalship, they might have found in tlieir situation a guar- 
antee that their trade would be forever fostered and protected by Great Britain, 
But trampling on all considerations, either of interest, or of safety, they rush- 
ed into the conflict, and, fighting for principle, perilled all in the sacred causo 
of freedom. Never was there exhibited in the history of the world, higher ex- 
amples of noble daring, dreadful suffering, and heroic endurance, than by the 
"NVhigs of C.irolijin, durin~tl>o lioviiliiti.in. The whole State, from the moun- 
tains to the sea, was overrun by an overwhelming force of the enemy. The 
fruits of industry perished on the spot where they were produced, or were 
consumed by the foe. The '• p'.ains of Carolina," drank up the most precious 
l)lood (if her citi/.ens! Black and smoking ruins marked the places which had 
ijccn the habitations of her children I Driven from their homes into the gloomy 
and almost impenetrable swamps, even there the spirit of liberty survived, 
and South Carolina, (sustained by the example of her Sumpters and her Ma- 
rions) proved by her conduct, tliat though her soil might be overrun, tlie spirit 
of her people was invincible. 

But, Sir, our country was soon called upon to engage in another revolutiona- 
ry struggle, and that too was a struggle for principle. 1 mean the political 
revolution w hich dates back to '98, and w Inch, if it had not been successfully 
achieved, would have left us none of the fruits of th(! revolution of '7G. The 
revolution of '98 restored the constitution, rescued the liberty <»f the citi/.eii 
from the grasp of those who were aiming at its life, and, in the emphatic lan- 
guage of Mr. Jefferson, '■'saved the count It uiion at its laaf ifos/;." And by 



23 

whom was it achieved? By the South, Sir, aided only by the democracy of 
the North and West. 

1 come now to the war of 1812, a war which I well remember was called in 
deris'on (while its event was doubtful) the Southern war^ and sometimes the 
Carolina war, but which is now universally acknowledged to have done more 
for the honor and prosperity of the country than all other events in our history 
put too-ether. What, Sir, were the objects of that war? " Free trade and 
sailors' ri2;hts." It was for the protection of Northern shipping and New 
Enn-land seamen, that the country flew to arms. What interest had the South 
in that contest? If they had sat down coldly to calculate the value of their 
interests involved in it, they would have found that they had every thing to 
lose and nothing to gain. But, Sir, with that generous devotion to country, so 
characteristic of the South, they only aslced if the rights of any portion of their 
fellow-citizens had been invaded; and when told that Northern ships and New 
England seamen had been arrested on the common highway of nations, they 
felt that the honor of their country was assailed; and acting on that exalted 
sentiment, " which feels a stain like a wound," they resolved to seek in open 
war, for a redress of those injuries which it did not become freemen to endure. 
Sir, the whole South, animated as by a common impulse, cordially united in 
declaring and promoting that war. South Carolina sent to your councils, as 
the advocates and supporters ef that war, the noblest of her sons. How they 
fulfilled that trust, let a grateful country tell. Not a measure was adopted — 
not a battle fought — not a victory won, which contributed, in any degree, to 
the success of that war, to which Southern counsels and Southern valor did 
not largely contribute. Sir, since South Carolina is assailed, I must be suf- 
fered to speak it to her praise, that, at the very moment when, in one quarter, 
we heard it solemnly proclaime'Ji " *^'"i*- '^^ ^^^ ^ot become a religious and 
moral people to rejoice at the victories of our army or our navy," her legisla- 
ture unanimously " resolved, that we will cordially support the government 
in the vigorous prosecution of the war, until a peace can be obtained on honora- 
ble terms, and we will cheerfully submit to every privation that may be requi- 
red of us by our government for the accomplishment of this object." 

South Carolina redeemed that pledge. She threw open her treasury to the 
government — she put at the absolute disposal of the officers of the United 
States, all that she possessed — her men, her money, and her arms. She ap- 
propriated half a million of dollars on her own account, in defence of her mari- 
time frontier; ordered a brigade of State troops to be raised; and when left to 
protect lierself by her own means, never suffered the enemy to touch her soil 
without being instantly driven off or captured. 

Such, Sir, was the conduct of the South — such the conduct of my own State 
in that dark hour "which tried men's souls." 

When I look back and contemplate the spectacle exhibited at that time in 
another quarter of the Union — when I think of the conduct of certain portions 



IS 



ui New England, and rcmoinber the part that was acted on tlial .uomDrablo oc 
casion bv the political associates of the gentleman from Massarliuri.ttH—nav 
when I follow that gentleman into the councils of the nation, and listen to h ' 
voice during the darkest period of the war.— I am indeed astonished that ho 
should venture to touch upon the topics which he has introduced into thi* 
debate. South Carolina reproaiheil by Massachusetts: And from wliom doea 
the accusation come? Not from the Dcmocraq/ <.f New Kii<;land, for tliey 
have been in times past, as they arc now, the friends and allies of the South. 
No, Sir, the accusation comes from that party, whose acts, during the most 
trying and eventful period of our national history, were of such a character that 
their own Legislature, but a few years ago, actually blotted ;hem out from their 
records as a stiin upon the honor of the country. But how can they ever bo 
blotted out from tlie recollection of any one who had a heart to feel, a mind to 
comprehend, and a memory to retain the events of that day? Sir. I shall not 
attempt to write the history of the party in New England, to which I have al- 
luded — the war party in peace, and the peace party in war. That tusk I shall 
leave to some future biographer of Nathan Dane, and I doubt not, it will be 
found quite easy to prove, that the peace party of Massachusetts were the only 
defenders of their country during the war, and actually achieved all our victo- 
ries by land and sea. Ih the mean time. Sir, and until tliat history shall be 
written, I propose, with the feeble and glimmerin;; lights which 1 possess, tore- 
view the conduct of this party, in connexion with the war, and the events wiiich 
immediately preceded it. 

It will be recollected, Sir, that our great causes of quarrel with Great Britain, 
were her depredations on Northern Commerce, and the impressment of New- 
F.Hgland seamen. From every quarter we were called upon for protection. 
Importunate as the West is now represented to be, on another sul)jcct, the im- 
portunity of the East, on that occasion, was far greater. I hold m my hands 
the evidence of the fact. Here are petitions, memorials, and remonstrances, 
from all parts of New England, setting forth the injustice, the oppressions and 
the depredations, — the insults, — the outrages, committed by Great Britain, 
upon the unoffending commerce and seamen of New Flngland, and calling 
upon Congress for redress. Sir, I cannot stop t<) read these memorials. In 
that from Boston, after stating the alarming and extensive condemnation of our 
vessels, by Great Britain, which threatened "to sweep our commerce from the 
face of the Ocean," and *' to involve our merchants in bankruptcy," they call 
upon the Government '' to assert our rights, and to adopt such measures as 
will support the dit^nity and honor of the United States." 

From Salem we heard a language still more decisive; they call explicitly foi* 

"an appeal to arms, and pledge their lives and pio])erly," in support of any 

measure which Congress might adopt. From .\ctr/)urypnrt an appeal was made 

to the firiiiness anil justice of the Governtucnt, to obtain compensatiini and 

protection." It was here, I think, that, when the war was declared, it was re- 



24 

solved, "to resist our own Government, even unto blood." (Olive Branch, p. 

101.) 

In other quarters, the common language of that day v/as, that our commerce 
and our seamen were entitled to protection, and that it was the duty of the Go- 
vernment to aSbrd it at every hazard. The conduct of Great Britain, we 
were then told, was "an outrage upon our National Independence." These 
clamors, v/hich commenced as early as January, 1806, were continued up to 
1812. In a message from the Governor of one of the New England States, as 
late as the 10th October, 1811, tliis language is held; "-'a manly and decisive 
course has become indispensable — a course to satisfy foreign nations, tliat while 
we desire peace, we have the means and the spirit to repel aggressions. " '• We 
are false to ourselves, when our commerce or our territory is invaded witli 
impunity." 

About this time, however, a remarkable change was observable, in the tone 
and temper of those who had been endeavoring to force the country into a war. 
The lano-uage of complaint was changed into that of insult, and calls for pro- 
tection, converted into reproaches, "Smoke, smoke," (says one writer,) "my 
life on it our Executive have no more idea of declaring war than my Grand- 
mother." "The Committee of Ways and Means," (says another,) "have come 
out with their Pandora's Box of taxes, yet nobody dreams of war." '• Congress 
do not mean to declare war — thaj dare not.''^ But why multiply examples? 
An honorable member of the other House, from the city of Boston, (Mr. 
Quincy) in a speech, delivered on the 3d April, IBli, says, " Neither promises 
nor threats, nor asseverations, nor oaths, vvill make me believe you will go to 
war. The navigation States are sacrificed, and the spirit and character of the 
country prostrated, by /ear and avarice^ "You cannot, (said the same gentle- 
man on another occasion) "be kirJc/'J Uiic a ^i.^^j-.*' 

Well, Sir, the war at length came, and what did we behold? The very 
men who had been for six years clamorous for war, and for whose protection 
it was waged, became at once equally clamorous against it. They had re- 
ceived a miraculous visitation; a now light suddenly beamed upon their minds; 
the scales fell from their eyes; and it was discovered, that the war was declar- 
ed from "subserviency to France;" and that Congress and the Executive 
"had sold themselves to Napoleon;" that Great Britain had, in fact, "done 
us no essential injury;" "that she was the bulwark of our religion;" that where 
" she took one of our ships, she protected twenty;" and that, if Great Britain 
had impressed a few of our seamen, it was because " she could not distinguish 
them from her own." And so far did tiiis spirit extend, that a Committee of 
the Massachusetts Legislature actually fell to calculation, and discovered to 
their infinite satisfaciion, but to the astonishment of all the world beside, that 
ONLY ELEVEN Massachusetts sailors had ever been impressed. Never shall I 
forget the appeals that had been made to the sympathies of the South in be- 
half of " the thousands ol impressed Americans" who had been torn from 



25 

tlipir families and friends, and ••immured in i!ie lloatin^ dungeons of Britain.'* 
The most touching pictures were drawn of tljc hard conditiotj of th«'. AiiuM-icari 
sailor, •' treated like a slave," forced to fight the battles of his enemy, •• lashed 
to the mast to be shot at like a dog."' But, Sir, the very moment we had tak- 
en up arms in tlicir tlefenco, it was discovered that all the»c were rrere •• fic- 
tions of the brain." — unil that the whole nuniber in thi' .State of Massac^iusetts, 
was uuT ELEvi:x, and even these had been •• taken by mistake." Wondci ful 
discovery! The Secretary ol State had collected authentic Ksts of no less 
than «ij,'-^//OMSflrn;/ impressed Americans. Lord Castlereagh himsv-lf acknow- 
ledj^ed sixteen hundred. Calculations on the basis of the number found on 
board tlie Guerriere, tlie Macedonian, the Java, and other Britisli ships, (cap- 
tured by the skill ami 2;ullantry of those heroes whose achieveme'its are the 
treasured monuments of their country's glory) fixed t!ie number at seven 
thousand — and yet, it seems, Massachusetts had lost but eleven. Eleven 
Massachusetts sailors taken by mistake! \ cause of war, indeed! — Their 
ships too, the capture of which had threatened universal "bankruptcy" — it 
was discovered that Great Britain was their friend and protector — '• w!»ere she 
had tiikcn one, she had protected twenty." Then was the discovery made 
that subserviency to France, hostility to conimerce, '• a determination on the 
part of tiie South and the West to break down the Eastern States," and es- 
pecially (as reported by a Committee of the Massachusetts Legislature) "to 
force the sons of commerce to populate the wilderness," were the true causes 
of the war. 

But let us look a little further into the conduct of the peace party of New 
England, at that important crisis. Whatever difierence of opinion migitt have 
existed as to the causes of the war, the country had a right to expect, that, 
when once involved in the contest, all Americans would '.ave cordially united 
in its support. Sir, the war ett'ected, in Its progress, a union of ail parties at 
the South. But not so in New England. There, great efforts were made to 
stir up the minds of the people to oppose it: nothing was left undone enibar- 
rass the financial operations of tin- G.vennnent, to prevent •■ t enlistment of 
troops, to keep back lie men and money ot New Englan«l from liie service of 
the Union, and to force the President from his seat — yes. Sir, "the Island of 
Elba, or a halter!" were the alternatives presented to the excellent and venera- 
ble Jamks Madison. Sir, the war was further opposed, by opetdy carrying 
on illicit trade with the enemy; by permitiing that enemy to establish himst-lf 
on the very soil of Massachusetts; ami by opening a free trade between Great 
Britain and America, with a separate Custom House — (yes. Sir, those who 
cannot julure the thought that we should insist on a free trade in time »»f pro- 
found peace, could without scruple claim and exercise the riglit of carrying 
on a free trade with the enemy in a time of war)— and finally by getting up 
the renowned" Hartford Ccmvention," and preyjanng ilie way for an open re- 
sistance to the Government, and a separation «)f the Stite*, ir, if 1 am ask- 
4 



k 



526 

.^d for the proof of those things, I fearlessly appeal to contemporary history^ 
to the public documents of the country, to the recorded opinions and acts of 
public assemblies, to the declaration and acknowledgments, since made by the 
Executive and Legislature of Massachusetts herself.* 

Sir, the time has not been allowed me to trace this subject through, even if 
I had been disposed to do so. But I cannot refrain fro.u referring to one or 
two documents, which have fallen in my way since this debate began. I read. 
Sir, from the Olive Branch of Mathew Carey, in which are collected "the 
actings and doings" of the peace party of New England, during the continu- 
ance of the embargo, and of the war. I know the Senator from Massachusetts 
will respect the high authority of his political friend aud fellow laborer in the 
great cause of "domestic industry." 

In page 301, et seq. of this work, is a detailed account of the measures 
adopted in Massachusetts during the war, for the express purpose of embar- 
rassino- the financial operations of the Government by preventing loam, and 
thereby driving out rulers trom their seats, and forcing the country into a 
dishonorable peace. It appears that the Boston Banks commenced an opera- 
tion, by which a run was to be made upon all the Banks to the South, at the 

♦In answer to an addi-ess of Governor Eiistis, denouncing- the conduct of the peace 
party, during the War, the House of Representatives of the State of Massachusetts, in June, 
1824, say: " The change of the political sentiment evinced in the late elections, forms in- 
deed a new era in the history of our Commonwealth. It is the triumph of reason over pas- 
sion, of patriotism over party spirit. Massachusetts has returned to her first love, and is no 
longer a stranger in the Union. We rejoice thst, though during the last war, such mea- 
sures were adopted in this State, as occasioned double sacrifice of treasure and of life; 
covering the friends of the nation with humiliation and mourning, and fixed a stain on the 
page of our history : a redeeming spirit has at lengrth nri':p>i to take aw-oy our repioach, and 
restore to us our good name, our rank among our sister States, and our just influence in 

the Union. 

«' Though we would not renew contentions, or irritate watonly, we believe that there 
are cases, when it is necessary we should "wound to heal." And we consider it among 
the first duties of the triends of our National Government, on this return of power, to dis- 
avow the unwarrantable course pursued by this State during the late war; and to hold up 
the measures of that period as beacons, that the present and succeeding generations may 
shun that career which must inevitably terminate in the destruction of the individual or the 
party who pursues it; may learn the important lesson that, in all times, the path of duty is 
the path of safety; and that it is never dangerous to rally around the standard of our coun- 
try." 

" At a meeting of the Republicans of Barnstable, 10th August, 1812, it was voted 'that 
it is abundantly manifest tliat, in New-England, a plan'is laid, and measures are pursued, to 
effect a dismemberment of the Union, and to involve the country in all the horrors of a 
civil war It is with the utmost indignation that we witness, in the town of Boston, once 
styled the cradle of Independence, proceedings, which, but for the virtue of our citizens 
at large, and that numerous JDexters will rise up against them, would soon render that town 
its gi-ave.* " &c. 



27 

same time stoppin;r their own discounts, the eflert of whidi wns to pro<liice a 
sudden ami most alarminir diminution of the eirculafinn mfdiuni, and uni- 
versal distress over the whole conntry; a distress which they failed not to at- 
tribute to the "uidiolv war." 

To such an extent was this system carried, that it appears from a statement 
of the condition of the Boston Banks, made up in January, 1814, that, with 
nearly 85,000,000 of specie in their vaults, they had but g'2,000,000 ol bills in 
circulation. It is added by Carey, that, at this very time, an extensive tratic 
was carried on in British (ioveriiment bills, for which specie was sent to Cana- 
da, for the payment of the British troops, then laying waste to our Northern 
frontier; and this, too, at the very moment when New England ships, sailing 
under British licences, (a trade declared to he lawful by the Courts, both of 
Great Britain and Massachusetts.) were supplying with provisions tliose very 
armies destined for the invasion of our own sliores. Sir, the author of the 
Olive Branch, with holy indignation, denounces these acts as '* treasonable !" 
*' giving aid and comfort to the enemy." I shall not follow his example. But 
I will ask, with what justice or propriety can the South be accused of dis- 
loyalty, from that quarter? If we had any evidence that the Senator from 
Massachusetts had admonished his brethren /Aen, he might, with a better grace, 
assume the oftice of admonishin"; us noiv. 

When 1 look at the measures adopted in Boston, at that day, to deprive the 
Government of the necessary means for carrying on the war, and think of the 
success, and the consequences of these measures, I feel my pride, as an Ameri- 
can, humbled in the dust. Hear, Sir, the language of that day — I read from 
pages 301 and o0:-2, of the Olive Branch. *' Let no man who wishes to con- 
tinue the war, by active means, by vote, ov /ending »iune}/, daketo prostratk. 
iiKMSKLF AT THK ALTAR ON TiiK FAST DAY." '* Wdl Federalists subscribe to the 
loan? Will they lend money to our national rulers? It is impossible! First, 
because of />rinc//3/p, and, secondly, of principal and interest. " Do not prevent 
the abuses of their trust from becoming bankrupt." Do not prevent them from 
becoming odious to the public, and being replaced by better men." " Any 
Federalist, who lends money to the (iovernment, must go and shake hands 
with Janien Mailison, and claim fellowship with Felix Grundy.'^ (I beg par- 
don of my friend from Tennessee — but I find he is in good company. I had 
thought it was '' James Madison, Felix Grundy, and the Devil."'") '* Let him 
no more call himself a Federalist, and a friend to his country." " //e irill 
4e called by others infamous, 4*<'-" 

Sir, the spirit of the people sunk under these appeals. Such was the eflect 
produced on the pul)lic mind, that the very agents of the Government, (as ap- 
pears from their public a<lvertisements, now before me,) could not obtain 
loans, without a pledge that " the names of subscribers should not be known." 
Here are the advertisements; " the names of all subscribers, (say Gilbert & 



as 

Dean, the i?iokers employed bj Government.) Viiall be known only to the un- 
dersigned." 

As if those who came forward to aid their country in the hour of her utmost 
need, were engaged in some dark and foul conspiracy, they were assure<l that 
" their names should not be known." Can anything show, more conclusively, 
the unhappy state of public feeling wluch prevailed at that day, than this s-mple 
fact? Of the same character with these measures, was the conduct of Massa- 
chusetts, in withholding her militia from tlie service of the United States, and 
devising measures for withholding her quota of the taxes, thereby attempting, 
not merely to cripple the country, but actually depriving the Government (as 
far asdepended on her) of ail the means of carrying on the war, of the bone and 
muscle, and sinews of war — " of man and steel, the soldier and his sword.'* 
But, it see.ms, Massachusetts was to reserve her resources for herself — she was 
to defend and protect her own shores. And how was that duty performed? 
In some places on the coast, neutrality was declared, and the enemy was suf- 
fered to invade the soil of Massachusetts, and allowed to occupy her territory 
until the peace, withort one effort to rescue it from his grasp. Nay, more, 
while our own Government, and our rulers, were considered as enemies, the 
troops of the enemy tvere treated like fri end s-^the most intimate commercial re- 
lations were established with them, and maintained up to the peace. At this 
dark period of our national aftairs, where w^as the Senator from Massachusetts? 
How were his political associates employed ? " Calculating the value of the 
Union !" Yes, Sir, that was the propitious moment, wlien our country stood 
alone, the last hope of the world, struggling, for her existence, against the colos- 
sal power of Great Britain, " concerttrated, in one mighty effort, to crush us at 
a blow :" — that was the chosen hour to revive the grand scheme of building up 
'a great Northern confederacy," — a srhpuip whlcii, It !« stated in the work 
before me, had its origin as far back as 1796, and wliich appear;^ never to liave 
been entirely abandoned. In the language of the writers of tliat day, (1796,) 
" rather than have a Constitution, such as tlie anti-Federalists were contend- 
ing for, (such as we now are contending for,) "• the Union ought to be dissolv- 
ed ;" and to prepare the v/ay for that measure, the 'same methods were resorted 
to then, that have always been relied on for that purpose, exciting prejudice 
against the South. Yes, Sir, our Northern brethren were then told, " that, if 
the negroes were good for food, their Soutliern masters would claim the rioht 
to destroy them at pleasure," — (Olive Branch, p. 267.) Sir, in 1814, all 
these topics were revived. Again we heard of " a Northern Confederacy;" 
"the slave States by themselves;" the mountains are the natural boundary;" 
we want neither '* the counsels nor the power of the West," &c. &c. The pa- 
pers teemed with accusations against tn.e Soidh and the JFest; and the calls for 
a dissolution of all connexion with them were loud and strong. I cannot con- 
sent to go through the disgusting details. But, to show the height to which the 
ppirit of disaffection was carried, I will take you to the temple of the living God, 



29 

and show yon iWdX. sacreil place (whuh sl\uiilil be devoted Ui ilic exleusiuii of 
•' peace oil eaitli and j^ood will to man," where '• one Jai/'s truce oxi^hi NUiely 
to bo allowed to the dissensions and animosities of niankiiul,") converted into 
f/iejiercc arena pf political titrife, whQie, from the lips of the priest statuling 
between the iiorns of the altar, tliere went forth the most terriblf dciutnciiUions 
a2;ainst all who should be true to their country, in the hour of her utmost noetl. 

" If you do not wish,'' said a re\ercnd clcrsrymau, in a sermon proacht-il in 
IJoston, on the 'Zod July, ISI'2, "to bt-come t!ie slaves of those who own slaves, 
and wlu) are themselves the slaves of French slaves, you nnist either, in the Ian- 
g:uag-' of the day, cut the connexion, or so far alter the national comjKu f , as to 
secure to yourselves a due share in the Government." (Olive Hranch, p. 319.) 
"The Union," says the same writer (page 320,) "has been lony; since virtu- 
ally dissolved, and it is full time, that this part of the disunited States should 
take care of itself." 

Anoijicr reverend gentleman, nastor of a church at Medford, (pa2;e 321) 
issues his anathema. " Let him stand acrused,^^ against all, who. bv their 
"personal services" or" loans of money," *' conversation," or " writins:." or 
"influence," give, countenance or support to the unrighteous war, in the fol- 
lowing term*: "That man is an accomplice in the wickedness — he loads his 
conscience witli the blackest crimes — he brings the guilt of blood upon his soul; 
and, in the sight of God and liis law, he is a murderer.'''' 

One or two more (luutations. Sir, and I shall have done. A reverend Doc- 
tor of Divinity, the pastor of a church at Byfield, Massachusetts, on the rth 
of April, 1814, thus addres-;es his flock: (page 321.) "The Israelites be- 
came w ejiry of yielding the fruit of their labor to pamper their splendid tvrants 
— they leit their political woes — they separ.vtkd — where is our Moses — 
wh.eiv is the rod of his miiacles.^ AVhere is our Aaron.' Alas! no voice from 
the burning bush has directed them here." 

'• We must trample on the mandates of despotism, or remain slaves forever." 
(pdge 322.) You must drag the chains of Virt^iniu, despotism, unless you dis- 
cover some other mode of escape." " 'i'hose ff'estern States, which have been 
\i(deiit for this abominable war, those States which have thirsted for blood, 
do! has a:ivcji them blood to drin/c/^ (p. 323. Mr. President I can "n) no 
further — the records of the day are full of such sentiments, issued fnnn the 
press — spoken in public assemblies — poured out fnun the sacred desk! God 
torbid, Sir, that I should charge the people of Massachusetts with participating 
in these sentiments. The South and the West had then their friends — men 
who stood by their country, though encompasse^i all aroun<l by their enemies; 
the Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Su.sbkk,) was one of them; the Senator 
Ironi Connecticut, (Mr. Foot,) was another; an«l there were others now on 
this floor. The sentiments I have read, wi-re the sentiments of a /^f/r/?/ cm- 
bracing the political associates of the gentleman from Massachusetts. If they 
could only be found in the columns of a newspaper, in a few occai)ional pam- 



30 

pKlets, issued by men of intemperate feeling, I should not consider them as af- 
fording any evidence of the opinions even of the peace party of New England. 
But, Sir, they were the common language of that day, they pervaded the whole 
land — they were issued from the legislative hall- from the pulpit, and the 
press — our books are full of them; and there is no man, who now hears me, 
but knows that they were the sentiments of the party, by whose members they 
were promulgated. Indeed, no evidence of tliis would seem to be required, 
beyond the fact that such sentiments found their way even into the pulpits of 
New England. What must be the state of public opinion, where any respect- 
able clergyman would venture to preach, and to print sermons, containing 
the sentiments I have quoted. I doubt not the piety or moral worth of these 
gentlemen. I am told they were respectable and pious men. But, they were 
men, and " they kindled in a common blaze." And now, Sir, I must be suf- 
fered to remark, that at this awful and melancholy period of our national his- 
tory, the gentleman from Massachusetts, who now manifests so great a devo- 
tion to the Union, and so much anxiety lest it should be endangered from the 
South, was "with his brethren in Israel." He saw all these things passing 
bef ire his eyes; he heard these sentiments uttered all around him. I do not 
charge that gentleman with any participation in these acts, or with approving 
of these sentiments. But, I will ask why, if he was animated by the same 
Sentiments then, which he now professes, if he can " augur disunion at a dis- 
tance, and snutf up rebellion in every tainted breeze," why did he not, at that 
day, exert his great talents and acknowledged influence, with the political as- 
sociates by whom he was surrounded, (and who then looked up to him for gui- 
dance and direction,) in allaying this general excitement; in pointing out to his 
deluded friends the value of the Union; in instructing them that, instead of 
looking " to some prophet to lead them out from the land of Egypt," they 
should become reconciled to their brethren, and unite with them in the support 
of a just and necessary war. Sir, the gentleman must excuse me for saying 
that, if the records of our country afforded any evidence that he had pursued 
such a course tlien; if we could find it recorded in the history of those times, 
that, like the immortal Dexter, he had breasted that mighty torrent, which was 
sweeping before it all that was great and valuable in our political institutions, 
if like him he had stood by his country in opposition to his party. Sir, we would, 
like little children, listen to his precepts, and abide by his counsels. 

As soon as the public mind was sufficiently prepared for the measure, the 
celebrated Hartford Convention was got up — not as the act of a fevr unauthor- 
ized individuals, but by authority of the Legislature of Massachusetts; and, as 
has been shown by the able historian of that Convention, in accordance 
witli the views and wishes of the party of which it was the organ. Now, 
Sir, I «lo not desire to call in question the inotives of the gentlemen who 
composed that Assembly. I knew many of them to be, in private life, accom- 
plished and honorable men, and I doubt not thore were sonie among them who 



31 

ilid not perceive the danjerous tendency of their proceedinsp*. I will even "ci 
further, and say, that, if the autliors of the Hartford Convention belii-ved thnt 
"^ross, deliberate, and palpable violations of die Constitution" had taken place, 
utterly destructive of their riu;hts and interests, 1 should be tho last man to 
deny iheir right to resort to any constitutional measures fir redr»*ss. liiit. 
Sir, in any view of the case, the time wheu, and the cirrumstanres utuler which 
that Convention assembled, as well as the meaA-ires recommended, render 
their conduct, in my opinion, wholly indefensible. Let us contemplate, 
for a moment, the spectacle then exhibited to the view of the world. I wdl 
not go over the disasters of the war, nor describe the difliculties in which 'he 
Government was involved. It will be recollected, that its credit was nearly 
gone; Washington had (alien; the whole coast was blockaded; and an imnu-nse 
force, collected in the West Indies, was about to make a descent, which it was 
supposed we had no means of resisting. In this awful state of our pul)lic af- 
fairs, when the Government seemed almost to be tottering on its base; when 
Great Britain, released from her other enemies, had proclaimed her purpose of 
*• reducing us to unconditional submission;" we beheld the peace party of 
New-England (in the language of the work before us) pursuing a course 
calculated to do more injury to their country, "and to render Kn-Mand 
more eftective service, than all her armies." Those who could not find it in 
their hearts to rejoice at our victories, sang tedevm at the King's Chapel in 
Boston for the restoration of the Bourbons. Those who could not consent to 
illuminate their dwellings for the capture of the Guerricrc, could jrivt' visible 
tokens of their joy at the fall of Detroit. The "beacon fires" of their hills 
were lighted up, not for the encouragement of their friends, but as signals io 
the enemy, and, in the gloomy hours of midnight, the very lights burned blue. 
Sutii were the dark ond |*oi tcntous signs of the times which ushered into 
being the renowned Hartford Convention. That Convention met; and, front 
their proceedings, it appears that their chief object was, to keep ba( k the men 
and money of New Englauil from the service of the Union, and to efllct radical 
chanjies in the Government; changes that can never be effected without a dis- 
solution of the Union. 

Let us now. Sir, look at their proceedings. I read from "a short account 
of the Hartford Convention," written by one of its members; a very rare book, 
of which I was fortunate enough a few years ago to obtain a copy. [Here Mr. 
,11. reatl from tiie procedings.'] 

•It appears at page 6 of «« The Account," that, by a vote of tlie House of Uepri-scnt.itivcs 
jof Massachusetts, (260 to 90) delegates to this Convention were ortlered to be appointed, to 
consult upon the subject " of their public grievancts and conccns," and upon "thr brat 
means nf preserving their rcsource.-<," an<l for procuriiiic a revision of ihc f'onstitmion of the 
United States, " more eflVctiialiy to sicun- the support and attarhinent of nil tlw p.-oplr. 
)by placing all upon the Imais of fair representation.'' 



■.ti' 



da 

It b unnecessary to trace the matter further, or to ask what would have been 
the next chapter in the history, if the measures recommended had been carried 
into effect; and if, with the men and money of New England withheld from the 
Government of the United States, she had been withdrawn from the war — if 
New Orleans had fallen into the hands of the enemy, and if, without troops, and 
almost destitute of money, the Southern and the Western States had been 
thrown upon their own resources for the prosecution of the war, and the re- 
coveiy of New OrleansI Sir, whatever would have been the issue of Ihe con- 
test, the Union must have been dissolved. But a wise and just Pi-ovidence, 
which " shapes our ends, rough hew them as he will," gave us the victory, and 



The Convention assembled at Hartford, on the 15th of December, 1814. On the next 
day it vms 

" BtSL^lved, That tlie most inviolable secrecy shall be observed by each member of this 
Convention, including tlie Secretary, as to aU propositions, debates, and proceedings 
thereof, until this injunction shall be suspended or altered." 

On the 24th of December, the committee appointed to prepare and report a general 
project of such measures as may be proper for the Convention to adopt, reported, among 
otliev things, 

1. " That it was expedient to recommend to tiie Legislature of the States, tlie adoption 
of the moif t'ffrcfucl and decisive measures to protect t/ie militia and the States from tticxisur- 
pations co7itainedin these procttdings." [The proceedings of Congress and the Executive* 
in rela'ion to the militia and the war.] 

2. *' That it was expedient, also, to prepare a statement exlxibiting ^Ae necessity wfiich 4 
tfie imprudence and inubiVty of the Gmeral Government have imposed upon the States©/' 
providing for thei> own dejencf, and the impossibihty of their discharging this duty, and, at 
the same time jiiljilling ihe requisitions <f tlie Gcner il Govfrnmeni; and also to recommend 
to the Legislatures of the several States, to make provision for their mutual defence, and to 
make aji earnest application to the G^vemmerLt of tl>o t'nl*.^.? states, with a view to some 
aiTan"-ernent whereby tlie itia!esm(qi be tnablcdto retain a portion of the tuxes levied by Con- 
gress, for the purposes of self defence, and for the reimbursement of expenses already incur- 
red on account of tlie United States." 

3. " That it is expedient to recommend to the several State Legislatures, certain amend- 
ments to the Constiiution, viz: 

•< That the power to declare or make war, by the Congress of the United States, be resti-icted. 
" That it is expedient to attempt 'o make provision for restraining Congress in the exer- { 
else of an unlimited power to make new Slates, and admit them into the Union. 
" That an amendment be proposed respecting slave represenfatio?i and slave fn.xrdion." 

On the 29th December, 1814, it was proposed "that the cupncity of naturahzed citizens 
to hold offices of trust, honor, or profit, ought to be restrained," &.c. 

The subsequent proceedings are not given at large. But it seems that the report of the 
Committee was adopted; and also a recommendation of certair. measures, (of the character 
of which we are not informed) — to the States for thar mutual defence,- and having voted 
" that the injunction of secrecy in regard to all the debates a';d proceedings of the ( onveti- 
tion, (except so far as relates to the report finally adopted) />•■ ro timed,''' the Comnntteej 
adjourned sine die,- but (as it was supposed) to meet again, when circumstances should 
require it. 



J 



33 

crowned our eftbrts vvilli a glorious peace. The Ambassadors of Hartford 
were seen retracing their steps from Washington, "the bearers of the glad 
tidings of great joy." Courage and patriotism triumphed — the country was 
saved — the Union was preserved. And are we, Mr. President, who stood by 
our country t/ieru — who threw open our coffers, — who bared (lur bosoms, — who 
freely periled all, in that conflict, to be reproached with want of attachment to 
the Union.^ If. Sir, we are to have lessons of patriotism read tons, they must 
come from a different quarter. The Senator from Massachusetts, who is now 
so sensitive on all subjects connected with the Union, seems to have a memory 
forgetful of the political events that have passed away. I must therefore re- 
fresh his recollection a little further on these subjects. The history of iJis- 
\inio7i has been written by one, whose authority stands too high with the Ameri- 
can people to be questoned; I mean Thomas Jellorson. I know not how the 
gentleman may receive this authority. When that great and good nan occu- 
pied the Presidential Chair, 1 believe he comnuinded no portion of that gentle- 
man's respect. 

I hold in my hand a celebrated pamphlet on the embargo. In which language 
is held, in relation to Mr. JelVerson, which my respect for his memory will pre- 
vent me from reading, unless any gentleman should call for it. But the Sena- 
tor from Massachusetts has since joined in singing hosannas to his name, — 
he has assisted at his apotheosis, and has fixed him as "a brilliant star in the 
clear upper sky." 1 hope, ti\ereforo, he is now prepared to receive, with de- 
ference and respect, the high authority of Mr. Jefterson. In the 4th volume 
of his Memoirs, which has just issued from the press, we have the following 
history of disunion, from the pen of tliat illustrious statesman:" — Mr. Adams 
called on me pending the embartjo, and while endeavors were making to ob- 
tain its repeal, he spoke of the diBaatlafartiun of the Eastern portion of our con- 
federacy, with the restraints of the enjbargo then existing, and their restless- 
ness under it. That there was nothing which might not be attempted to rid 
themselves of it. That he had information of the most unquestionable autho- 
ritv, that certain citizens of the Eastern States, (I think he named Massachu- 
setts particularlv) were in negotiation with agents of the British Government, 
the object of which was, an agreement that the New England States should 
take no further part in the war [the commercial war, the '' war of restrictions," 
as it was called] then going on; and that, without formally declaring their se- 
paration from the Union, they should withdraw from all aid and obedience to 
them, &c. From that moment, (says Mr. J.) 1 saw the necessity of abandon- 
ing it [the embargo] and instead of effectin-i our purpose by this peaceful mea- 
sure, we jnustfi^ht it out, or break the I'nion.'* In another letter, Mr. Jef- 
ferson adils — "• I d(;ubt whether a single fact known to the world, w ill carry as 
clear conviction to it, of the correctness (tf our knowledge of the treasonable 
views of the federal party of that day, as that disclosed by this, the most nefa- 
rious and daring attempt to dissever the Union; of which the Hartford Conven- 
5 



/ 



(14 

lion was a subsequent chapter; and both of these having failed, coxsolidatio> 
becomes the fourth chapter of the next book of their history. But this opens 
with a vast accession of strength from their younger recruits, who, having no- 
thing in them of the feelings and principles of '76, now look to a single and 
splendid government, &c. riding and ruling over the plundered ploughman, and 
beggared yeomanry."* — [4th vol. 419, 422.] 

The last chapter, says Mr. Jefferson, of that history, is to be found in the 
conduct of those who are endeavoring to bring about consolidation. Aye, Sir, 
that very consolidation for which the gentleman from Massachusetts is con- 
tending; the exercise by the federal government, of powers not delegated, in 
relation to "internal improvements," and " the protection of manufactures." 
And why. Sir, does Mr. Jefferson consider consolidation as leading directly to 
disunion? Because he knew that the exercise by the federal government, of the 
powers contended for, would make this a " government without limitation of 
powers," — submission to whichy he considered as a greater evil than disunion 



• The following is Mr. Adams' account of the aflair: it is an extract from his disclo- 
aui'e of the 22d October, 1828, published in the National Intelligencer. 

From the National Intelligencer. 
"At the next session of Congtess, which commerced in November 1808, Mr. Adams 
was a private citizen residing at Boston. Tlie Embargo was still in f rce, operating with' 
extreme pressure upon the interests of the people, and was wielded as a most effective 
instrument, by the party prevailing in the State, against the administration of Mr. Jeffer- 
son. THE PEOPLE WERE CONSTANTLY INSTIGATED TO FORCIBLE RE- 
SISTANCE AGAINST IT; AND JURiES AFTKR JURIES ACQUITTED THE 
VIOL.\rORS OF IT, upon the ground tliat it was UNCONSTITUTIONAL, a«s!tme</ in 
the face of a solemn decision of the District Court of the United Stales. A SEPARA- 
RATION OF THE UNION WAS OPENLV STIMULATED in the public prints, 
and a Convention of Delfgntes of the New England States, to meet at New Haven, was intend- 
ed and proposed. Mr Giles, and several other members of Congress, during this session, 
wrote to Mr. Adams confidential letters, informing him of the various measures proposed as 
reinforcements or substitutes for the Embargo, and soliciting his opinions on the subject. He 
ansv ered those letters with frankness and in confidence. He earnestly recommended the sub- 
stitution of the non-intercourse for the Embargo; and in giving his reasons for this prefer- 
ence, was necessarily led to enlarge upon the views and purposes of certain leaders of the 
party which had the management of the State Legislature in their hands. He urged thai 
a continuance of the Embargo much longer would certainly be met hy forcible resistance, 
supported by the Legislature, and probably by the Judiciary of the State. That to quell that 
resistance, if force should be resorted lob y the Government, it would produce CIVIL WAR; 
and thai, in that event, he had no doubt the leaders oj the party would secure the co-op£- 

HATION WITH THEM OF GbEAT BuiTAlN. ThAT THlilll OBJECT WAS, AND HAD BEEN FOK 

BEVEEAL TEARS, A DISSOLUTION OF THE Union, and ths establishment of a separate 
Confederacy, he knew from unequivocal evidence, although not probably sufficient to convict 
in a Court of Law; and that, in the case of a civil war, the aid of Great Britain to effect 
the purpose would be as surely resorted to,^ as it would be indispensably necessary to the' 
c5rsign." 



35 

^iseir. Tiverc is one chapter in this history whicli Mr. Jofti-rson has not filled 
up, aiid I mast theretore supply the ileficiency. It is to be r'»uiid in ihe pro- 
test made by New pjigland ajraiiist the ac(iuisition of Louisiana. In relutiou 
to tliat subject, the New England doctrine is thus laid down by one of her learn- 
ed political doctors of t'-iat day, now a Doctor of Laws, at the head of the «jrpat 
literary institution of the FLast, — I mean Josiah Quincy, President of Harvard 
College. I qunle from the speech delivered by that gentleman on the floor of 
Congress, on tiie occasion of the admission of Louisiana into the Cnion. 

Mr. Quiticy repeatd! and justified a remark he had made, which, to save all 
misapprehension, he committed to writing in the following words. " If this bill 
passes, it is my deliberate opinion that it is virtuaj.ly a disunion ok tiik 
Union; that it will free the States from moral obligation; and as it will be //je 
right of (dl. so xt will be the duty of some, to prepare for a separation 
amicabh/ if th-ey can, vioi.exti.y if they mvst." 

Mr. Prksident, I wish it to be distinctly understood, that all the remarks 
I have made on^this subject, arc intended to be exclusively applied to a party, 
which I have 4|BScribed as the " Peace party of New England," embracing 
4hc political assbciates of the Senator from Massachusetts: a party which con- 
trolled the operations of that State during the embargo and the war, and who 
are justly chargeable with all the measures I have reprobated. Sir, nothing 
has been furtlier from my thoughts, than to impeach the character or conduct 
of the people of New England. For their steady habits and hardy virtues, I 
trust I entertain a becoming respect. I fully subscribe to the truth of the dc- 
escription (given before the Revolution, by one whose praise is the highest eulo- 
gy,) " that th*^ perseverance of Holland, the activity of France, and the dexte- 
rous and firm sagacity of English enterprise," have been more than equalled 
bv this " recent penple." Hardy, enterprising, sagacious, industrious, and 
moral, the people of New England of the present day. are worthy of their an- 
cestors. Still less, Mr. President, has it been my intention to say any thing 
tJiat cnuld be construed into a want of respect for that party, who, trampling 
on all narrow sectional feelings, have been true to their principles in the worst 
of times — I mean the democracy of New England. Sir, I will declare that, 
liiMily as I appreciate the democracy of the South, I consider even higher praise 
to be due to the democracy of New England, who have maintained their prin- 
ciples "through good and tiirouu;h evil report" — who, at every period ol our 
national history, have stood up manfully for *' their country, their whole coun- 
try, and nothing but their country" In the great political revolution of '98, 
they were found united with the democracy df the South, marchinff under th<» 
banner of the constitution — led on by the patriarch of liberty in search of the 
land of political promise, which they live<l not only to belutld. but to possess 
and enjov. Again, Sir, in the darkest and most irloomy period of the war, 
when our country stood single handed, against '» the coiiqueror of the con- 
querors of tl>c world,''"Whcn all about ihem was d;uk and dreary, disastrous and 



/ 

/ 



36 

discouraging, they stood a spnrfan band in that narrow pass, where the honor 
of their country was to be defended, or to find its grave. And in the last great 
struggle, when, as we believe, the very existence of the principle of popular sov- 
reignty was at stake, where were the democracy of New England? Where 
they always have been found, Sir, struggling side by side with their brethren 
of the South and the West, for popular rights, and assisting in that glorious 
triumph by which tlie man of the People was elevated to Ihe highest office in 
their gift. 

Who, then, Mr. President, are the true friends of the Union.'' Those who 
who would confine the federal government strictly within the limits prescribed 
by the constitution — who would preserve to the States and the people all pow- 
ers not expressly delegated-.— who would make this a federal and not a national 
Union — and who, administering the government in a spirit of equal justice, 
would make it a blessing and not a curse. And who are its enemies? Those 
who are in favor of consolidation; who are constantly stealing power from the 
States and adding strength to the federal government; who, assuming an un- 
warrantable jurisdiction over the States and the people, undertake to regulate 
the whole industry and capital of the country. But, Sir, of all descriptions of 
n»en, I consider those as the worst enemies of the Union, who sacrifice the 
equal rights which belong to every member of the confederacy, to combinations 
of interested majorities for personal or political objects. But the gentleman 
apprehends no evil from the dependence of the States on the Federal Govern- 
ment; he can see no danger of corruption from the influence of money or of pat- 
ronage. Sir, I know that it is supposed to be a wise saying, " that patronage 
is a source of weakness," and in support of that maxim it has been said, that 
" every ten appointments make a hundred enemies." But I am rather inclined 
to think, with the eloquent and sagacious orator now reposing on his laurels on 
the banks of the Roanoke, that '• tlie power of conferring favors creates a crowd 
of dependants." He gave a forcible illustration of the truth of the remark 
when he told us of the effect of holding up the savory morsel to the eager eyes 
of the hungry hounds gathered around his door. It mattered not whether the 
gift was bestowed on Towser or Sweetlips, "Tray, Blanch, or Sweetheart," 
while held in suspense they were all governed by a nod; and wlienthe morsel 
was bestowed, the expectation of ihe favors of to-morroiv kept up the subjection 
of to-day. 

The Senator from Massachusetts, in den<mncing what he is pleased to call 
the Carolina doctrine, has attempted to throw ridicule upon the idea that a 
State has any constitutional remedy by the exercise of its sovereign authority 
against " ft gross, palpable, and deliberate violation of the Constitution." He 
called it " an idle" or " a ridiculous notion," or something to that effect; and 
added, that it would make the Union " a mere rope of sand." N(»w, Sir, as 
the gentleman has not condescended to enter into an examinatioa ot the ques- 
rton, and has been satisfied with throwing the weight of his authority into the 



-(.ale, I tin not doom it nocossarv to do more (Kan totluow iiito the opposite 
>(:ile, till' auiliit.ity on v.liicli .South Carolina relies; and there, for the pre^-ut, 
1 am perfectly vvillin<; to leave the controversy. The Stmth Carolina doctrine, 
that is to say, the doctiine contained in an exposition reported by a committee 
of t!ie Le2;islature in December, 18'28, and published by their authority, is the 
;)od old Republican doctrine of '98, the doctrine of the celebrated " Virginia 
Kesolutioiis," ofthat year, and of •• Madis(»n's Ueport," ot *99. It will be re- 
collected that the Let:;islature of N'iri:;itiia. in December, '!)S, t(mk into conside- 
ration the Alien and Sedition Laws, then considered by all Re|)ui)licans -s a 
?;ross violation of the Constitution of the United States, and on that day passed, 
:iinong others, the following;; resolution: 

" The General Assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare, that it 
views tlie powers of the Federal Government as resultin"; from the compact to 
which the States arc parties, as limited by the plain sense and intention of *\\e 
instrument constituting that compact, as no further valid tlian thev are antho- 
rizeil bv tlie grants enumerated in that compact; atid that, in case of a d el the rat e^ 
palpable, and dangerous exercise of other potoers not granted by tlie said com- 
jiad, the States who arc parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, 
to interpose, for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within 
their respective limits, the autliorities, rights and liberties apj)ertaining to them." 

In addition to the above resolutions, the General Assembly of Virginia "ap- 
pealed to the other States, in the confidence that they would concur with that 
C(»minonwealth, that the acts aforesaid £ti e Alien and Sedition Laws] are un- 
constitutional, and that the necessary and proper measures would be taken by 
each for co-operating with Virginia in 7naintaining unimpaired the atiihorities, 
fights, anil liberties, reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." 

The Legislatures of several of the New Kogland States havitig, (contrary to 
the expectation of the Legislature of Virginia) expressed their dissent from 
ihese doctrines, the subject came up again for consideration during the scs- 
>ion of '99 — 1800, when it was referred to a Select Committee, by whom was 
made that celebrated report, which is familiarly known as " Madison's Report," 
and which deserves to last as long as the Constitution itself. In that report, 
which was subsequently adopted by the Legislature, the whole subject was deli- 
berately examined, and the objections urged against the Virginia doctrines 
< arefullv considered; the result was, that the Legislature of Virsini i reaffirmed 
all the jirlnciples laid down in the resolutions of *98, and issued to the world 
that admirable report wliich has stamped the character of Mr. Madison as the 
preserver of that Constitution, which he had contributed so largely to create 
:.nd establish. I will here quote from Mr. Madison's report one or two 
passages which bear more immediately on the point in controversy. "The 
resolution having taken this view of the federal compact, proceeds to infer, 
" that, in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dant^orous exercise of pow- 
i^rs, not granted by the said compact, the .States who are ])arties thereto have 



38 

the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose for arresting tlie progress of the 
evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, t)ie authorities, rights, 
and Uijerties appertaining to them," 

"It appears to your committee to be a plain principle, founded in common 
sense, illustrated by common practice, and essential to the nature of compacts, 
that, where resort can be had to no tribi:nal, superior to the authority of the 
jtarUes, the parties thernselves niusi be the rig 'tfi'J judges in the last resort, 
whether the bargain made has been pursued or violated. The constitution of 
the United States was formed by the sanction of the States^ given by eacli in 
its sovereign capacity. It adds to the stability and dignity, as well as to tlie 
authority of the Constitution, that it rests upon this legitimate and solid founda- 
tion. The States, then, being tlie parties to the Constitutional compact, and in 
their sovereign capacity, it follows of necessity, that tliere can be no tribunal 
above their authority, to decide-, in the last resort, whether th.e com;)act made 
by them be violated; and, consequently, that, as the parties to it, tliey must 
themselves decide, in the last resort, such questions as may be of sufficient 
inagnitude to require their interposition." 

M The resolution has guarded against any misapprehension of its object, by 
expressly requiring for such an interposition " the case of a deliberate, palpable, 
and dangerous breach of the Constitution, by the exercise o^ powers not grant- 
fAl by it." It must be a case, not of a light and transient nature, but of a na- 
ture dangerous to the great purposes tor which the Constitution was established." 

" But the resolution has done more than guard against misconstruction, by 
expressly referring to cases of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous nature. It 
specifies the object of the interposition which it contemplates, to be solely that 
of arresting the progress of the evil of MsnvTptition, and of maintaining the au- 
thorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to the States, as parties to the 
Constitution. " 

" From this view of the resolution, it would seem inconceivable that it can 
incur any just disapprobation from those, who, la^^ing aside all momentary 
impressions, and recollecting the genuine source and object of the Federal Con- 
stitution, shall candidly and accurately interpret the meaning of the General 
Assembly. If the deliberate exercise of dangerous powers, palpably withdrew 
by the Constitution, could not justify the parties to it in interposing, even so 
far as to arrest the progress of the evil, and thereby to preserve the Constitu- 
tion itself, as well as to provide for the safety of the parties to it^ there would 
be an end to all relief from usurped pov/er, and a direct subversion of the 
rights specified or recognized under all the State Constitutions, as well as a 
plain denial of the fundamental principles on which our Independence itself 
•^vas declared." 

But, Sir, our authorities do not stop here — the State of Kentucky responded 
to Virginia, and on the 10th November, 1798, adopted those celebrated reso- 
lutions well known to have been penned by the author ot the Declaration of 



39 

American Independence. In those resolutions the I^eKislaturo of Kentucky 
declare, "that tlic <;i)vermnent cre;itcd by this compact was not uuulc the ex- 
clusive or final /i<i/gT of the extent of tlie powers dele;;ated toilself: since that 
would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of itii 
powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact amon:; parties havin<^; n<> com- 
innn jiiHgc, each party has an cqudl right to judge for itself, as well of infrac- 
tions, as of the mode and measure of rciliess." 

At the ensuing session of the Legislature, the subject was re-examined, and 
on the 14th November, 1790, the resolutions of the proceeding year were de- 
liberately re-atUrmed, and it was, arnong other things, solemnly declared : "That, 
if those who aduiinister the General Government, be permitted to transgress the 
limits fixed by that compact, by a total disregard of the special delegations of 
power therein contained, an annihilation of the State Governments, and the 
erection, upon its ruins, of a general consolUatcl Government, will be the inev- 
itable conseiiuence. That the principles of construction contended for by sun- 
dry of the State Legislatures, that the General Government is the exclusive 
juda-e of the extent of the powers delegated to it, stop nothing short of despo- 
tism; since the rfiscre/iou of those who administer the Government, and not the 
Constitution, would be the measure oif their powers. That the severai States 
who foraged that instrument, being sovereign and independent, have (he un- 
(luestionable riglit to judge of its construction, and that the ntdlifiration Inj those 
sovrci^nties, of all unauthorized acts, done under color of that i)istrumcnJ, is 
the rightful remedy.'''' 

Time and experictice confirmed Mr. Jeft'erson's opinion, on this all impor- 
tant point. In the year 18^21, he expressed himself in this emphatic manner: 
"It is a fatal heresy to suppose, that either our State Governments arc supe- 
lioi-to the Federal, or the Federal to the State; neither is authorized literally 
to decide, what belongs to itself, or its co-partner in government. In ditVcrenccs 
of opinion, between their ditferent sets of public servants, the appeal is to 
neither, but to their employers, peaceably assembled, by their representatives 
in Convention." 

The opinions of Mr. JeiVersoii, on this subject, have been so repeatedly ami 
solemnly expressed, that they may be said to have been among the most fixed 
and settled convictions of his tnind. In the protest prepared by him, for the 
Legislature of Virginia, in December, 1825, in respect to the powers exercised 
bv the Federal Government, in relation to the Tarift'and Internal Improvement, 
which he declares to be "usurpations of the powers retamed by the States, — 
mere interpolatious into the compact, and direct infractions of it," — he solemn- 
ly reasserts all the principles of the Virginia Resolutions «)f "08 — protests 
against "these acts of the federal branch of the government, as null and void^ 
and declares that, although Virginia would consider a dissolution of the Union 
as among the greatest calamities that could bcfal them, yet it is not the greatest. 
There is vet one greater — submi«sif)»i to a i:;()vernment of unlimited powers. 



I: 



40 

It is only when the. hope of this shall become absolutely desperate, that further 
forbearance could not be indulged," &c. 

In his letter to Mr. Giles, written about the same time, he says. 
"I see as you do, and with the deepest affliction, the rapid strides with 
which the federal branch of our Government is advancing towards the usurpa- 
tion of all the rights reserved to the States, and the consolidation in itself of 
all powers, foreign and domestic, and ihai too by consu uctiuns wnich leave no 
limits to their powers, &c. Under the power to regulate commerce, they assume, 
indefinitely, that also over agriculture and manufactures, &c. Under the au- 
thority to establish Post Roads, they claim that of cutting down mountains for 
the construction of roads, and digging canals, &c. And what is our resource 
fov the preservation oj the ConstihdionP Reason and Argument.' You ini"-ht 
as well reason and argue with the marble columns encircling them, &c. Are 
we then to stand to our arms, with the hot headed Georgian?" No: [and I say 
no and South Carolina has said no] "that must be the last resource. We must 
have patience and long endurance with our bretliren, &c. and separate from 
our companions only when the sole alternatives left are a dissolution of our 
Union with them, or submission to a Government without limitation of powers. 
Between these two evils, when we must make a choice, there can be no liesita- 
tion." 

Such, Sir, are the high and imposing authorities in support of " the Carolina 
doctrines" which, in fact, are the doctrines of the Virginia Resolutions of 1798. 
Sir, at that day the whole country was divided on this very question. It 
formed the line of demarcation between the federal and republican parties, and 
the great political revolution which then took place, turned upon the very ques- 
tion involved in these resolutions. That question was decided by the people, 
and by that decision the Constitution was, in the emphatic language of Mr. 
Jefferson, "saved at its last gasp." I should suppose. Sir, it would require 
more self-respect than any gentleman here would be willing to assume, to 
treat lightly, doctrines derived from such high sources. Resting on authority 
like this, I will ask gentlemen whether South Carolina has not manifested a high 
reo-ard for the Union, when, under a tyranny ten times more grievous than the 
alien and sedition laws, she lias hitherto gone no furtlier than to petition, remon- 
strate, and solemnly protest against a series of measures which she believes 
to be wholly unconstitutional, and utterly destructive of her interests. Sir, 
South Carolina has not gone one step further than Mr. Jefferson himself was 
disposed to go, in relation to the very subject of our present complaints, — not 
a step farther than the statesmen from New England were disposed to go, un- 
der similar circumstances, — no further than the Senator from Massachusetts 
himself once considered as within "the limits of a constitutional opposition." 
The doctrine that it is the right of a State to judge of the violations of the Con- 
stitution on the part of the Federal Government, and to protect her citizens 
from the operations of unconstitutional laws, was held by the enlightened 



41 

cltiliens of Boston, who assembled in Faneuil Hall on the iJJtIi Januai v, 1809. 
They state in tiiat celebrateil memorial, that ''they looked only to the State 
Legislature, who were compdent to devisi} relief against the unconstitutional 
acts of the General Government. That your power (sav thev) is adecjuate to 
that object, is evidont/roj/i the orgunizntionof the Confederanj.^" 

A distinguished Senator, from one of the New KngUuul States, (Mr. llii.i.- 
house) in a speech delivered here, on a bill for enforcing the embargo, declared 
" I feel myself bound in conscience to declare, (lest the blood of tllose who shall 
lallin the execution of this measure, shall be on my head) that 1 consider this to 
bean act which diretts a mortal blow at the liberties of my countrv — an act 
containing uncoii.stittftioiial provisions, io \\\nc\\ the pkoplk auv. xor uolnd T'» 
SUBMIT, and to which, in my opinion, they will not submit.'' 

And the Senator from Mas?achusetts himself, in a sncech delivered on the 
same subject, in the other House, said, — '• This opposition is constitutioiial an«l 
legal; it is also conscientious. It rests on s'-ttled and sober conviction, that 
stich policy is destructive to the interests of the people, and danc^crous to the 
being of the government. Tlie experience of every dav confirms these sent 
ments. Men who act from such motives, are not to be discouratred bv trifliri"- 
obstacles, nor awed by luiy dangers. Thev know the limits of constitutional 
opposition up to that limit: at their own discretion, they will walk, and walk 
fearlesslv." How the " being of the Government" was to be endangered by 
" constitutional opposition" to the embargo, I leave to the gentleman to ex- 
plain. Thus it will be seen, Mr. President, that the South Carolina doctrine 
is the republican doctrine of '98; that it was first promulgated by the Fathers of 
the Faith — that it was maintained by Vir?;iriia and Kentucky, in the worst of 
times — that it constituted the very pivot on which the political revolution of 
that day turned — that it embraced the very princii)les the triumph of wliich at 
that time " saved the Constitution at its last gasp;" and which New England 
Statesmen were not unwilling to adopt, when they believed themselves to be the 
victims of unconstitutional legislation! Sir, as to the doctrine that the Federal 
Government is the exclusive judge of the extent as well as the limititions of 
its powers, it seems to be utterly subversive of the sovereignty and independ- 
ence of the States. It makes but little difterence, in my estimation, whether 
Congress or the Supreme Court, arc invested with liiis power. If the Federal 
Government, in all or any of its departments, arc to prescribe the limits of its 
own authority; and the States are bound to submit to the decision, and are not 
to be allowed to examine and decide for themselves, when the barciers of the 
Constitution shall be overleaped, this is practically "a Government without 
limitation of powers;" the States are at once reduced to mere petty corj)ora- 
tions, and tlie people are entire'y at your mercy. (1 have but one word amre 
to add. In all the eft()rts that have been made by South Carolina to resist the 
unconstitutional laws which Congress has extended over them, she has kept 
steadily in view l!ie preservation of the Cnion. by the only mean^by which sh<« 
6 



.^^ 



4'2 

believes it can be long preserved— a firm, manly, and steady resistance against 
usurpation. The measures of the Federal Government have, it is true, pros- 
trated her interests, and will soon involve t'lie whole South in irretrievable ruin. 
But this evil, great as it is, is not the chief ground of our complaints. It is the 
principle involved in the contest, a principle which, substituting the discre- 
tion of Congress for the limitations of the Constitution, brings the States and the 
people to the feet of the Federal Government, and leaves them nothing ihey 
can call their own. Sir, if the measures of the Federal Government wer^ iess 
oppressive, we should still strive against this usurpation. The South is ;u t ,ng 
on a principle she has always held sound — resistance to unauthorized taxation. 
These, Sir, are the principles which induced the immortal Hampden to resist 
the payment of a tax of twenty shillings — " Would twenty shillings have ruin- 
ed his fortune.^ No— but the payment of half twenty shillings, on the principle 
on which it was demanded, would have made him a slave." Sir, if, in acting 
on these high motives — if, animated by that ardent love of liberty which has al- 
ways been the most prominent trait in the Southern character, we should be 
hurried beyond the bounds of a cold and calculating prudence, who is there 
with one noble and generous sentiment in his bosom, who would not be disposed 
in the language of Burke, tq exclaim, <'you must pardon something to 

THE SPIRIT OF LIBERTY." \ 



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INDIANA 



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